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Title: Three Frenchmen in Bengal
       The Commercial Ruin of the French Settlements in 1757

Author: S.C. Hill

Release Date: February 4, 2004 [EBook #10946]

Language: English

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THREE FRENCHMEN IN BENGAL




[Illustration: THE GANGES VALLEY AND THE EUROPEAN SETTLEMENTS IN
BENGAL, 1756 (_After Rennell_.)]




THREE FRENCHMEN IN BENGAL

OR

_THE COMMERCIAL RUIN OF THE FRENCH SETTLEMENTS IN 1757_

BY

S.C. HILL, B.A., B.Sc.

OFFICER IN CHARGE OF THE RECORDS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA AUTHOR
OF "MAJOR-GENERAL CLAUD MARTIN"

_WITH MAPS AND PLANS_


1903




TO

MY DEAR WIFE




PREFACE


This account of the commercial ruin of the French Settlements, taken
almost entirely from hitherto unpublished documents, originated as
follows. Whilst engaged in historical research connected with the
Government Records in Calcutta, I found many references to the
French in Bengal which interested me strongly in the personal side
of their quarrel with the English, but the information obtainable
from the Indian Records alone was still meagre and incomplete. A few
months ago, however, I came across Law's Memoir in the British
Museum; and, a little later, when visiting Paris to examine the
French Archives, I found not only a copy of Law's Memoir, but also
Renault's and Courtin's letters, of which there are, I believe, no
copies in England. In these papers I thought that I had sufficient
material to give something like an idea of Bengal as it appeared to
the French when Clive arrived there. There is much bitterness in
these old French accounts, and much misconception of the English,
but they were written when misconception of national enemies was the
rule and not the exception, and when the rights of non-belligerents
were little respected in time of war. Some of the accusations I have
checked by giving the English version, but I think that, whilst it
is only justice to our Anglo-Indian heroes to let the world know
what manner of men their opponents were, it is equally only justice
to their opponents to allow them to give their own version of the
story. This is my apology, if any one should think I allow them to
say too much.

The translations are my own, and were made in a state of some
perplexity as to how far I was bound to follow my originals--the
writings of men who, of course, were not literary, and often had not
only no pretension to style but also no knowledge of grammar. I have
tried, however, to preserve both form and spirit; but if any reader
is dissatisfied, and would like to see the original papers for
himself, the courtesy of the Record officials in both Paris and
London will give him access to an immense quantity of documents as
interesting as they are important.

In the various accounts that I have used there are naturally
slightly different versions of particular incidents, and often
it is not easy to decide which is the correct one. Under the
circumstances I may perhaps be excused for not always calling
attention to discrepancies which the reader will detect for himself.
He will also notice that the ground covered in one narrative is
partly traversed in one or both of the others. This has been due to
the necessity of treating the story from the point of view of each
of the three chief actors.

I may here mention that the correspondence between Clive and the
princes of Bengal, from which I have given some illustrative
passages, was first seen by me in a collection of papers printed in
1893 in the Government of India Central Printing Office, Calcutta,
under the direction of Mr. G.W. Forrest, C.I.E. These papers have
not yet been published, but there exists a complete though slightly
different copy of this correspondence in the India Office Library
(Orme MSS. India XI.), and it is from the latter copy that I have,
by permission, made the extracts here given. The remaining English
quotations, when not from printed books, have been taken chiefly
from other volumes of the Orme MSS., a smaller number from the
Bengal and Madras Records in the India Office, and a few from MSS.
in the British Museum or among the Clive papers at Walcot, to which
last I was allowed access by the kindness of the Earl of Powis.

Finally, I wish to express my thanks to M. Omont of the Bibliotheque
Nationale, Paris, to Mr. W. Foster of the Record Department of the
India Office, and to Mr. J.A. Herbert of the British Museum, for
their kind and valuable assistance.

S.C. HILL.

_September_ 6, 1903.




CONTENTS


CHAPTER

  I. THE QUARREL WITH THE ENGLISH

  II. M. RENAULT, CHIEF OF CHANDERNAGORE

  III. M. LAW, CHIEF OF COSSIMBAZAR

  IV. M. COURTIN, CHIEF OF DACCA

  INDEX


MAPS AND PLANS

THE GANGES VALLEY AND THE EUROPEAN SETTLEMENTS IN BENGAL, 1756.
(_After Rennell_) _Frontispiece_

MAP OF THE RIVER HUGLI FROM BANDEL TO FULTA. (_After Rennell_) _To
face page_

FORT D'ORLEANS, CHANDERNAGORE, 1749. (_Mouchet_)

MUXADABAD, OR MURSHIDABAD. (_After Rennell_)

DACCA, OR JEHANGIR-NAGAR. (_After Rennell_)




[Illustration: MAP OF THE RIVER HUGLI FROM BANDEL TO FULTA. (_After
Rennell_.)]




THREE FRENCHMEN IN BENGAL




CHAPTER I

THE QUARREL WITH THE ENGLISH


Writing in 1725, the French naval commander, the Chevalier d'Albert,
tells us that the three most handsome towns on the Ganges were
Calcutta, Chandernagore, and Chinsurah, the chief Factories of the
English, French, and Dutch. These towns were all situated within
thirty miles of each other. Calcutta, the latest founded, was the
greatest and the richest, owing partly to its situation, which
permitted the largest ships of the time to anchor at its quays, and
partly to the privilege enjoyed by the English merchants of trading
freely as individuals through the length and breadth of the land.
Native merchants and native artisans crowded to Calcutta, and the
French and Dutch, less advantageously situated and hampered by
restrictions of trade, had no chance of competing with the English
on equal terms. The same was of course true of their minor
establishments in the interior. All three nations had important
Factories at Cossimbazar (in the neighbourhood of Murshidabad, the
Capital of Bengal) and at Dacca, and minor Factories at Jugdea or
Luckipore, and at Balasore. The French and Dutch had also Factories
at Patna. Besides Calcutta, Chandernagore, and Chinsurah, the only
Factory which was fortified was the English Factory at Cossimbazar.

During the long reign of the usurper, Aliverdi Khan,[1] that strong
and politic ruler enforced peace among his European guests, and
forbade any fortification of the Factories, except such as was
necessary to protect them against possible incursions of the
Marathas, who at that time made periodical attacks on Muhammadans
and Hindus alike to enforce the payment of the _chauth_,[2] or
blackmail, which they levied upon all the countries within their
reach. In Southern India the English and French had been constantly
at war whenever there was war in Europe, but in Bengal the strength
of the Government, the terror of the Marathas, and the general
weakness of the Europeans had contrived to enforce a neutrality.
Still there was nothing to guarantee its continuance if the fear of
the native Government and of the Marathas were once removed, and if
any one of the three nations happened to find itself much stronger
than the others. The fear of the Marathas had nearly disappeared,
but that of the Government still remained. However, it was not till
more than sixty years after the foundation of Calcutta that there
appeared any possibility of a breach of peace amongst the Europeans
in Bengal. During this time the three Factories, Calcutta always
leading, increased rapidly in wealth and importance. To the
Government they were already a cause of anxiety and an object of
greed. Even during the life of Aliverdi Khan there were many of his
counsellors who advised the reduction of the status of Europeans to
that of the Armenians, i.e. mere traders at the mercy of local
officials; but Aliverdi Khan, whether owing to the enfeeblement of
his energies by age or to an intelligent recognition of the value of
European commerce, would not allow any steps to be taken against the
Europeans. Many stories are told of the debates in his _Durbar_[3]
on this subject: according to one, he is reported to have compared
the Europeans to bees who produce honey when left in peace, but
furiously attack those who foolishly disturb them; according to
another he compared them to a fire[4] which had come out of the sea
and was playing harmlessly on the shore, but which would devastate
the whole land if any one were so imprudent as to anger it. His
wisdom died with him, and in April, 1756, his grandson,
Siraj-ud-daula, a young man of nineteen,[5] already notorious for
his debauchery and cruelty, came to the throne. The French--who, of
all Europeans, knew him best, for he seems to have preferred them to
all others--say his chief characteristics were cruelty, rapacity,
and cowardice. In his public speeches he seemed to be ambitious of
military fame. Calcutta was described to him as a strong fortress,
full of wealth, which belonged largely to his native subjects, and
inhabited by a race of foreigners who had grown insolent on their
privileges. As a proof of this, it was pointed out that they had not
presented him with the offerings which, according to Oriental
custom, are the due of a sovereign on his accession. The only
person who dared oppose the wishes of the young Nawab was his
mother,[6] but her advice was of no avail, and her taunt that he, a
soldier, was going to war upon mere traders, was equally
inefficacious. The records of the time give no definite information
as to the tortuous diplomacy which fanned the quarrel between him
and the English, but it is sufficiently clear that the English
refused to surrender the son of one of his uncle's _diwans_,[7] who,
with his master's and his father's wealth, had betaken himself to
Calcutta. Siraj-ud-daula, by the treacherous promises of his
commanders, made himself master of the English Factory at
Cossimbazar without firing a shot, and on the 20th of June, 1756,
found himself in possession of Fort William, the fortified Factory
of Calcutta.[8] The Governor, the commandant[9] of the troops, and
some two hundred persons of lesser note, had deserted the Fort
almost as soon as it was actually invested, and Holwell, one of the
councillors, an ex-surgeon, and the gallant few who stood by him and
continued the defence, were captured, and, to the number of 146,
cast into a little dungeon,[10] intended for military offenders,
from which, the next morning, only twenty-three came out alive. The
English took refuge at Fulta, thirty miles down the river, where the
Nawab, in his pride and ignorance, left them unmolested. There they
were gradually reinforced from Madras, first by Major Kilpatrick,
and later on by Colonel Clive and Admiral Watson. About the same
time both French and English learned that war had been declared in
Europe between England and France in the previous May, but, for
different reasons, neither nation thought the time suitable for
making the fact formally known.

Towards the end of December the English, animated by the desire of
revenge and of repairing their ruined fortunes, advanced on
Calcutta, and on the 2nd of January, 1757, the British flag again
floated over Fort William. The Governor, Manik Chand, was, like many
of the Nawab's servants, a Hindu. Some say he was scared away by a
bullet through his turban; others, that he was roused from the
enjoyment of a _nautch_--a native dance--by the news of the arrival
of the English.[11] Hastening to Murshidabad, he reported his
defeat, and asserted that the British they had now to deal with were
very different from those they had driven from or captured in
Calcutta.

The English were not satisfied with recovering Calcutta. They wished
to impress the Nawab, and so they sent a small force to Hugli, which
lies above Chandernagore and Chinsurah, stormed the Muhammadan fort,
burnt the town, and destroyed the magazines, which would have
supplied the Nawab's army in an attack on Calcutta. The inhabitants
of the country had never known anything so terrible as the big guns
of the ships, and the Nawab actually believed the men-of-war could
ascend the river and bombard him in his palace at Murshidabad.
Calling on the French and Dutch for aid, which they refused, he
determined to try his fortune a second time at Calcutta. At first,
everything seemed the same as on the former occasion: the native
merchants and artisans disappeared from the town; but it was not as
he thought, out of fear, but because the English wished to have them
out of the way, and so expelled them. Except for the military camp
to the north of the city, where Clive was stationed with his little
army, the town lay open to his attack. Envoys from Calcutta soon
appeared asking for terms, and the Nawab pretended to be willing to
negotiate in order to gain time while he outflanked Clive and seized
the town. Seeing through this pretence Watson and Clive thought it
was time to give him a lesson, and, on the morning of the 5th of
February, in the midst of a dense fog, Clive beat up his quarters.
Though Clive had to retire when the whole army was roused, the
slaughter amongst the enemy had been immense; and though he
mockingly informed the Nawab that he had been careful to "injure
none but those who got in his way," the Nawab himself narrowly
escaped capture. The action, however, was in no sense decisive. Most
of the Nawab's military leaders were eager to avenge their disgrace,
but some of the chief nobles, notably his Hindu advisers,
exaggerated the loss already incurred and the future danger, and
advised him to make peace. In fact, the cruelty and folly of the
Nawab had turned his Court into a nest of traitors. With one or two
exceptions there was not a man of note upon whom he could rely, and
he had not the wit to distinguish the faithful from the unfaithful.
Accordingly he granted the English everything they asked for--the
full restoration of all their privileges, and restitution of all
they had lost in the sack of Calcutta. As the English valued their
losses at several hundreds of thousands, and the Nawab had found
only some L5000 in the treasury of Fort William, it is clear that
the wealth of Calcutta was either sunk in the Ganges or had fallen
as booty into the hands of the Moorish soldiers.

Siraj-ud-daula, though he did not yet know it, was a ruined man when
he returned to his capital. His only chance of safety lay in one of
two courses--either a loyal acceptance of the conditions imposed by
the English or a loyal alliance with the French against the English.
From the Dutch he could hope for nothing. They were as friendly to
the English as commercial rivals could be. They had always declared
they were mere traders and would not fight, and they kept their
word. After the capture of Calcutta the Nawab had exacted heavy
contributions from both the French and Dutch; but France and England
were now at war, and he thought it might be possible that in these
circumstances the restoration of their money to the French and the
promise of future privileges might win them to his side. He could
not, however, decide finally on either course, and the French were
not eager to meet him. They detested his character, and they
preferred, if the English would agree, to preserve the old
neutrality and to trade in peace. Further, they had received no
supplies of men or money for a long time; the fortifications of
Chandernagore, i.e. of Fort d'Orleans, were practically in ruins,
and the lesser Factories in the interior were helpless. Their
military force, for attack, was next to nothing: all they could
offer was wise counsel and brave leaders. They were loth to offer
these to a man like the Nawab against Europeans, and he and his
Court were as loth to accept them. Unluckily for the French,
deserters from Chandernagore had served the Nawab's artillery when
he took Calcutta, and it was even asserted that the French had
supplied the Nawab with gunpowder; and so when the English heard of
these new negotiations, they considered the proposals for a
neutrality to be a mere blind; they forgot the kindness shown by the
French to English refugees at Dacca, Cossimbazar, and Chandernagore,
and determined that, as a permanent peace with the Nawab was out of
the question, they would, whilst he hesitated as to his course of
action, anticipate him by destroying the one element of force which,
if added to his power, might have made him irresistible. They
continued the negotiations for a neutrality on the Ganges only until
they were reinforced by a body of 500 Europeans from Bombay, when
they sent back the French envoys and exacted permission from the
Nawab to attack Chandernagore. Clive marched on that town with a
land force of 4000 Europeans and Sepoys, and Admiral Watson
proceeded up the river with a small but powerful squadron.

Thus began the ruin of the French in Bengal. The chief French
Factories were, as I have said, at Chandernagore, Cossimbazar, and
Dacca. The Chiefs of these Factories were M. Renault, the Director
of all the French in Bengal; M. Law, a nephew of the celebrated Law
of Lauriston, the financier; and M. Courtin. It is the doings and
sufferings of these three gallant men which are recorded in the
following chapters. They had no hope of being able to resist the
English by themselves, but they hoped, and actually believed, that
France would send them assistance if they could only hold out till
it arrived. Renault, whose case was the most desperate, perhaps
thought that the Nawab would, in his own interest, support him if
the English attacked Chandernagore; but knowing the Nawab as well as
he did, and reflecting that he had himself refused the Nawab
assistance when he asked for it, his hope must have been a feeble
one. Still he could not, with honour, give up a fortified position
without attempting a defence, and he determined to do his best. When
he failed, all that Law and Courtin could expect to do was to
maintain their personal liberty and create a diversion in the north
of Bengal when French forces attacked it in the south. It was not
their fault that the attack was never made.

I shall make no mention of the fate of the Factories at Balasore and
Jugdea. At these the number of Frenchmen was so very small that
resistance and escape were equally hopeless. Patna lay on the line
of Law's retreat, and, as we shall see, he was joined by the
second and other subordinate officers of that Factory. The chief, M.
de la Bretesche, was too ill to be moved, but he managed, by the
assistance of his native friends, to secure a large portion of the
property of the French East India Company, and so to finance Law
during his wanderings.


FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: Aliverdi Khan entered Muxadavad or Murshidabad as a
conqueror on the 30th of March, 1742. He died on the 10th of April,
1756. (_Scrafton_.)]

[Footnote 2: Literally the fourth part of the Revenues. The Marathas
extorted the right to levy this from the Emperor Aurengzebe, and
under pretext of collecting it they ravaged a large portion of
India.]

[Footnote 3: Court, or Court officials and nobles.]

[Footnote 4: Such fires are mentioned in many Indian legends. In the
"Arabian Nights" we read of a demon changing himself into a flaming
fire.]

[Footnote 5: His age is stated by some as nineteen, by others as
about twenty-five. See note, p. 66.]

[Footnote 6: Amina Begum.]

[Footnote 7: _Diwan_, i.e. Minister or Manager.]

[Footnote 8: The English at Dacca surrendered to the Nawab of that
place, and were afterwards released. Those at Jugdea and Balasore
escaped direct to Fulta.]

[Footnote 9: Captain George Minchin.]

[Footnote 10: Known in history as the Black Hole of Calcutta.]

[Footnote 11: Both stories may be true. Manik Chand was nearly
killed at the battle of Budge Budge by a bullet passing through his
turban, and the incident of the _nautch_ may have happened at
Calcutta, where he certainly showed less courage.]

[Illustration: FORT D'ORLEANS, CHANDERNAGORE, 1749. (_Mouchet._)]




CHAPTER II

M. RENAULT, CHIEF OF CHANDERNAGORE


The French East India Company was founded in 1664, during the
ministry of M. Colbert. Chandernagore, on the Ganges, or rather that
mouth of it now known as the River Hugli, was founded in 1676; and
in 1688 the town and territory were ceded to France by the Emperor
Aurengzebe. I know of no plan of Chandernagore in the 17th century,
and those of the 18th are extremely rare. Two or three are to be
found in Paris, but the destruction of the Fort and many of the
buildings by the English after its capture in 1757, and the decay of
the town after its restoration to the French, owing to diminished
trade, make it extremely difficult to recognize old landmarks. The
Settlement, however, consisted of a strip of land, about two leagues
in length and one in depth, on the right or western bank of the
Hugli. Fort d'Orleans lay in the middle of the river front. It was
commenced in 1691, and finished in 1693.[12] Facing the north was
the Porte Royale, and to the east, or river-side, was the Water
Gate. The north-eastern bastion was known as that of the Standard,
or Pavillon. The north-western bastion was overlooked by the Jesuit
Church, and the south-eastern by the Dutch Octagon. This last
building was situated on one of a number of pieces of land which,
though within the French bounds, belonged to the Dutch before the
grant of the imperial charter, and which the Dutch had always
refused to sell. The Factory buildings were in the Fort itself. To
the west lay the Company's Tank, the hospitals, and the cemetery.
European houses, interspersed with native dwellings, lay all around.
M. d'Albert says that these houses were large and convenient, but
chiefly of one story only, built along avenues of fine trees, or
along the handsome quay. D'Albert also mentions a chapel in the
Fort,[13] the churches of the Jesuits and the Capucins, and some
miserable _pagodas_ belonging to the Hindus, who, owing to the
necessity of employing them as clerks and servants, were allowed the
exercise of their religion. In his time the Europeans numbered about
500. There were besides some 400 Armenians, Moors[14] and Topasses,
1400 to 1500 Christians, including slaves, and 18,000 to 20,000
Gentiles, divided, he says, into 52 different castes or occupations.
It is to be supposed that the European houses had improved in the
thirty years since d'Albert's visit; at any rate many of those which
were close to the Fort now commanded its interior from their roofs
or upper stories, exactly as the houses of the leading officials in
Calcutta commanded the interior of Fort William. No other fact could
be so significant of the security which the Europeans in Bengal
believed they enjoyed from any attack by the forces of the native
Government. The site of the Fort is now covered with native huts.
The Cemetery still remains and the Company's Tank (now known as Lal
Dighi), whilst Kooti Ghat is the old landing-place of Fort
d'Orleans.

As regards the European population at the time of the siege we have
no definite information. The Returns drawn up by the French
officials at the time of the capitulation do not include the women
and children or the native and mixed population. The ladies,[15] and
it is to be presumed the other women also, for there is no mention
of women during the siege, retired to the Dutch and Danish
settlements at Chinsurah and Serampore a few days before, and the
native population disappeared as soon as the British army
approached. The Returns therefore show only 538 Europeans and 66
Topasses. The Governor or Director, as already mentioned, was Pierre
Renault: his Council consisted of MM. Fournier, Caillot, Laporterie,
Nicolas, and Picques. There were 36 Frenchmen of lesser rank in the
Company's service, as well as 6 surgeons. The troops were commanded
by M. de Tury and 10 officers. There were also 10 officers of the
French East India Company's vessels, and 107 persons of sufficient
importance for their _parole_ to be demanded when the Fort fell.
Apparently these Returns do not include those who were killed in the
defence, nor have we any definite information as to the number of
French sepoys, but Eyre Coote[16] says there were 500.

The story of the siege is to be gathered from many accounts. M.
Renault and his Council submitted an official report; Renault wrote
many letters to Dupleix and other patrons or friends; several of the
Council and other private persons did the same.[17] M. Jean Law,
whose personal experiences we shall deal with in the next chapter,
was Chief of Cossimbazar, and watched the siege, as it were, from
the outside. His straightforward narrative helps us now and then to
correct a mis-statement made by the besieged in the bitterness of
defeat. On the English side, besides the Bengal records, there are
Clive's and Eyre Coote's military journals, the Logs of the British
ships of war, and the journal of Surgeon Edward Ives of His
Majesty's ship _Kent_. Thus this passage of arms, almost the only
one in Bengal[18] in which the protagonists were Europeans, is no
obscure event, but one in which almost every incident was seen and
described from opposite points of view. This multiplicity of
authorities makes it difficult to form a connected narrative, and,
in respect to many incidents, I shall have to follow that account
which seems to enter into the fullest or most interesting detail.

It will now be necessary to go back a little. After the capture of
Calcutta in June, 1756, the behaviour of the Nawab to all Europeans
was so overbearing that Renault found it necessary to ask the
Superior Council of Pondicherry for reinforcements, but all that he
received was 67 Europeans and 167 Sepoys. No money was sent him, and
every day he expected to hear that war had broken out between
France and England.

  "Full of these inquietudes, gentlemen, I was in the
  most cruel embarrassment, knowing not even what to
  desire. A strong detestation of the tyranny of the Nawab,
  and of the excesses which he was committing against
  Europeans, made me long for the arrival of the English in
  the Ganges to take vengeance for them. At the same time
  I feared the consequences of war being declared. In every
  letter M. de Leyrit[19] impressed upon me the necessity of
  fortifying Chandernagore as best I could, and of putting the
  town in a state of security against a surprise, but you have
  only to look at Chandernagore to see how difficult it was for
  us, absolutely destitute as we were of men and money, to do
  this with a town open on all sides, and with nothing even to
  mark it off from the surrounding country."[20]

He goes on to describe Fort d'Orleans--

  "almost in the middle of the settlement, surrounded by
  houses, which command it, a square of about 600 feet,[21]
  built of brick, flanked with four bastions, with six guns
  each, without ramparts or glacis. The southern curtain,
  about 4 feet thick, not raised to its full height, was
  provided only with a battery of 3 guns; there was a similar
  battery to the west, but the rest of the west curtain was
  only a wall of mud and brick, about a foot and a half thick,
  and 8 or 10 feet high; there were warehouses ranged
  against the east curtain which faced the Ganges, and which
  was still in process of construction; the whole of this side
  had no ditch, and that round the other sides was dry, only 4
  feet in depth, and a mere ravine. The walls of the Fort up
  to the ramparts were 15 feet high, and the houses, on the
  edge of the counterscarp, which commanded it, were as much
  as 30 feet."

Perhaps the Fort was best defended on the west, where the Company's
Tank[22] was situated. Its bank was only about twelve feet from the
Fort Ditch. This use of tanks for defensive purposes was an
excellent one, as they also provided the garrison with a good supply
of drinking water. A little later Clive protected his great barracks
at Berhampur with a line of large tanks along the landward side.
However, this tank protected one side only, and the task of holding
such a fort with an inadequate garrison was not a hopeful one even
for a Frenchman. It was only his weakness which had made Renault
submit to pay the contribution demanded by the Nawab on his
triumphant return from Calcutta in July of the previous year, and he
and his comrades felt very bitterly the neglect of the Company in
not sending money and reinforcements. One of his younger
subordinates wrote to a friend in Pondicherry:[23]--

  "But the 3-1/2 lahks that the Company has to pay to the
  Nawab, is that a trifle? Yes, my dear fellow, for I should
  like it to have to pay still more, to teach it how to leave
  this Factory, which is, beyond contradiction, the finest of its
  settlements, denuded of soldiers and munitions of war, so
  that it is not possible for us to show our teeth."

The wish was prophetic.

Like the English the French were forbidden by the Nawab to fortify
themselves. Renault dared not pay attention to this order. He had
seen what had happened to the English by the neglect of proper
precautions, and when things were at their worst, the Nawab had to
seek his alliance against the English, grant him leave to fortify
Chandernagore, and, later on, even to provide him with money under
the pretence that he was simply restoring the sum forcibly extorted
from him the previous year.[24] Trade was at a standstill, and
Renault was determined that if the enemies of his nation were
destined to take the Company's property, they should have the utmost
difficulty possible in doing so. He expended the money on provisions
and ammunition. At the same time, that he might not lose any chance
of settling affairs peaceably with the English, he refused to
associate himself with the Nawab, and entered upon negotiations for
a neutrality in the Ganges. To protect himself if these failed, he
began raising fortifications and pulling down the houses which
commanded the Fort or masked its fire.

He could not pull down the houses on the south of the Fort, from
which Clive subsequently made his attack, partly for want of time,
partly because the native workmen ran away, and partly because of
the bad feeling prevalent in the motley force which formed his
garrison.[25] The most fatal defect of all was the want of a
military engineer. The person who held that position had been sent
from France. He was a master mason, and had no knowledge of
engineering. It had been the same story in Calcutta. Drake's two
engineers had been a subaltern in the military and a young
covenanted servant. Renault had to supervise the fortifications
himself.

  "I commenced to pull down the church and the house
  of the Jesuit fathers, situated on the edge of the Ditch, also
  all the houses of private persons which masked the entire
  north curtain. The wood taken from the ruins of these
  served to construct a barrier extending from bastion to
  bastion and supporting this same north curtain, which
  seemed ready to fall to pieces from old age."

This barrier was placed four feet outside the wall, the intervening
space being filled in with earth.

  "Also in front of Porte Royale" (i.e. outside the gate in
  the avenue), "the weakest side of the Fort, I placed a battery
  of 3 guns, and worked hard at clearing out and enlarging
  the Ditch, but there was no time to make it of any use as a
  defence. A warehouse on which I put bales of _gunny_[26] to
  prevent cannon balls from breaking in the vaults of the roof,
  served it as a casemate."

The east or river curtain was left alone. The French were, in fact,
so confident that the ships of war would not be able to force their
way up the river, and that Clive would not therefore think of
attacking on that side, that the only precaution they took at first
was the erection of two batteries outside the Fort. It is a
well-known maxim in war that one should attack at that point at
which the enemy deems himself most secure, and it will be seen that
all Clive's efforts were aimed at preparing for Admiral Watson to
attack on the east.

As regards artillery Renault was better off.

  "The alarm which the Prince" (Siraj-ud-daula) "gave us
  in June last having given me reason to examine into the
  state of the artillery, I found that not one of the carriages
  of the guns on the ramparts was in a serviceable condition,
  not a field-piece mounted, not a platform ready for the
  mortars. I gave all my attention to these matters, and
  fortunately had time to put them right."

To serve his guns Renault had the sailors of the Company's ship,
_Saint Contest_, whose commander, M. de la Vigne Buisson, was the
soul of the defence.

About this time he received a somewhat doubtful increase to his
garrison, a crowd of deserters from the English East India Company's
forces. The latter at this time were composed of men of all
nationalities, English, Germans, Swiss, Dutch, and even French. Many
of them, and naturally the foreigners especially, were ready to
desert upon little provocation. The hardships of service in a
country where the climate and roads were execrable, where food and
pay were equally uncertain, and where promises were made not to be
kept, were provocations which the best soldiers might have found it
difficult to resist. We read of whole regiments in the English and
French services refusing to obey orders, and of mutinies of officers
as well as of men. The one reward of service was the chance of
plunder, and naturally, then, as soon as the fighting with the Nawab
had stopped for a time, the desertions from the British forces were
numerous. Colonel Clive had more than once written to Renault to
remonstrate with him for taking British soldiers into his service.
Probably Renault could have retorted the accusation with justice--at
any rate, he went on enlisting deserters; and from those who had now
come over he formed a company of grenadiers of 50 men, one of
artillery of 30, and one of sailors of 60, wisely giving them a
little higher pay than usual, "to excite their emulation." One of
these was a man named Lee,--

  "a corporal and a deserter from the _Tyger_, who pledged
  himself to the enemy that he would throw two shells out of
  three into the _Tyger_, but whilst he was bringing the mortars
  to bear for that purpose, he was disabled by a musket bullet
  from the _Kent's_ tops. He was afterwards sent home a
  prisoner to England."[27]

As might be expected the younger Frenchmen were wild with delight at
the chance of seeing a good fight. Some of them had been much
disappointed that the Nawab had not attacked Chandernagore in June,
1756. One of them wrote[28]--

  "I was charmed with the adventure and the chance
  of carrying a musket, having always had" (what Frenchman
  hasn't?) "a secret leaning towards a military life. I
  intended to kill a dozen Moors myself in the first sortie we
  made, for I was determined not to stand like a stock on a
  bastion, where one only runs the risk of getting wounds
  without having any of the pleasure of inflicting them."

If not the highest form of military spirit, this was at any rate one
of which a good commander might make much use. Renault took
advantage of this feeling, and from the young men of the colony,
such as Company's servants, ships' officers, supercargoes, and
European inhabitants,[29] he made a company of volunteers, to whom,
at their own request, he gave his son, an officer of the garrison,
as commander.

One of the volunteer officers writes:--

  "I had the honour to be appointed lieutenant, and was
  much pleased when I saw the spirit of emulation which
  reigned in every heart. I cannot sufficiently praise the
  spirit of exactitude with which every one was animated, and
  the progress which all made in so short a time in the
  management of their arms. I lay stress on the fact that it
  was an occupation entirely novel to them, and one of which
  the commencement always appears very hard, but they overcame
  all difficulties, and found amusement in what to others
  would appear merely laborious."

All this time Renault was watching the war between the English and
the Moors. In January the English sailed up the Hugli, passed
Chandernagore contemptuously without a salute, burned the Moorish
towns of Hugli and Bandel, ravaged the banks of the river, and
retired to Calcutta. Up to this the Nawab had not condescended to
notice the English; now, in a moment of timidity, he asked the
intervention of the French as mediators.[30] Renault eagerly
complied, for had his mediation been accepted, he would have
inserted in the treaty a clause enforcing peace amongst the
Europeans in Bengal; but the English refused to treat through the
French. This could have only one meaning. Renault felt that his
course was now clear, and was on the point of offering the alliance
which the Nawab had so long sought for, when he received orders from
M. de Leyrit forbidding him to attack the English by land. As M. Law
writes, if Renault had been free to join the Nawab with 500
Europeans, either Clive would not have ventured a night attack on
the Nawab's camp, or, had he done so, the event would probably have
been very different. Under the circumstances, all that Renault could
do was to continue his fortifications. It was now that he first
realized that Admiral Watson would take part in the attack.

  "As the ships of war were what we had most to fear
  from, we constructed on the river bank a battery of 6 guns,
  four of which covered the approach to the Fort. From the foot
  of the battery a bank twenty-two feet high stretching to
  the Fort, was begun, so as to protect the curtain on this side
  from the fire of the ships, _but it was not finished_. We had
  also to attend to the inhabited portion of the town; it was
  impossible to do more, but we determined to protect it from
  a surprise, and so ditches were dug across the streets and
  outposts established."[31]

It was this waste of valuable time upon the defence of the town that
a capable engineer would have saved Renault from the mistake of
committing. Had he limited his efforts to strengthening the walls of
the Fort and cleared away the surrounding houses, he would have been
not only stronger against the attack of the land force, but also in
a much better position to resist the ships.

The issue of the Nawab's attack on Calcutta has already been told.
He was so depressed by his failure that he now treated Renault with
the greatest respect, and it was now that he gave him the sum of
money--a lakh of rupees, then worth L12,500--which he spent on
provisions and munitions of war. Renault says:--

  "The Nawab's envoy further gave me to understand that
  he was, in his heart, enraged with the English, and continued
  to regard them as his enemies. In spite of this we saw
  clearly from the treaty just made" (with the English)
  "that we should be its victims, and knowing Siraj-ud-daula's
  character, his promise to assist me strongly if the
  English attacked us did not quiet my mind. I prepared for
  whatever might happen by pressing on our preparations and
  collecting all kinds of provisions in the Fort."

The Nawab and the English concluded a treaty of peace and alliance
on the 9th of February, 1757. Renault mentions no actual treaty
between the Nawab and the French, but the French doctor referred to
in a note above asserts that the Nawab demanded that the Council
should bind itself in writing,

  "to oppose the passage of the English past Chandernagore....
  It was merely engaging to defend ourselves against
  the maritime force of the English ... because Chandernagore
  was the only place on this coast against which they
  could undertake any enterprise by water. _This engagement
  was signed_ and sent to the Nawab three days after he had
  made peace with the English. The Council received in
  reply two privileges, the one to coin money with the King's
  stamp at Chandernagore, the other liberty of trade for
  individual Frenchmen on the same footing as the Company,
  and 100,000 rupees on account of the 300,000 which he had
  extorted the previous year."

It does not matter whether this engagement was signed or not.[32] As
a Frenchman thus mentions it, the rumour of its signature must have
been very strong. It is probable that the English heard of it, and
believed it to be conclusive proof of the secret understanding
between the Nawab and the French. The privilege of individual trade
was particularly likely to excite their commercial jealousy, for it
was to this very privilege in their own case that the wealth and
strength of Calcutta were due. Such a rumour, therefore, was not
likely to facilitate negotiations. Nevertheless, Renault sent MM.
Fournier and Nicolas, the latter of whom had many friends amongst
the English, to Calcutta, to re-open the negotiations for a
neutrality. These negotiations seemed to be endless. The most
striking feature was Admiral Watson's apparent vacillation. When the
Council proposed war he wanted peace, when they urged neutrality he
wanted war. Clive went so far as to present a memorial to the
Council, saying it was unfair to continue the negotiations if the
Admiral was determined not to agree to a treaty. It seems as if the
Council wanted war, but wished to throw the responsibility upon the
Admiral. On the other hand the Admiral was only too eager to fight,
but hesitated to involve the Company in a war with the French and
the Nawab combined, at a moment when the British land forces were so
weakened by disease that success might be considered doubtful. He
had also to remember the fact that the Council at Chandernagore was
subordinate to the Council at Pondicherry, and the latter might,
whenever convenient to the French, repudiate the treaty. However, in
spite of all difficulties, the terms were agreed to, the draft was
prepared, and only the signatures were wanting, when a large
reinforcement of Europeans arrived from Bombay, and the Admiral
received formal notification of the declaration of war, and orders
from the Admiralty to attack the French.[33] This put an immediate
end to negotiations, and the envoys were instructed to return to
Chandernagore. At the same time the English determined to try and
prevent the Nawab from joining the French.

Whilst the Admiral was making up his mind fortune had favoured the
English. The Nawab, in fear of an invasion of Bengal by the Pathans,
had called upon the British for assistance, and on the 3rd of March
Clive's army left Calcutta _en route_ for Murshidabad. The Admiral
now pointed out to the Nawab that the British could not safely leave
Chandernagore behind them in the hands of an enemy, and Clive wrote
to the same effect, saying he would wait near Chandernagore for a
reply. On the 10th of March the Nawab wrote a letter to the Admiral,
which concluded with the following significant words:--

  "You have understanding and generosity: if your enemy
  with an upright heart claims your protection, you will give
  him life, but then you must be _well_ satisfied of the innocence
  of his intentions: if not, whatever you think right, that do."

Law says this letter was a forgery,[34] but as the Nawab did not
write any letters himself, the only test of authenticity was his
seal, which was duly attached. The English believed it to be
genuine, and the words quoted could have but one meaning. Admiral
Watson read them as a permission to attack the French without fear
of the Nawab's interference. He prepared to support Clive as soon as
the water in the Hugli would allow his ships to pass up, and, it
must be supposed, informed Clive of the letter he had received. At
any rate, he so informed the Council.

Clive reached Chandernagore on the 12th, and probably heard on that
day or the next from Calcutta. On the 13th he sent the following
summons--which Renault does not mention, and did not reply to--to
Chandernagore:--

  "SIR,

  "The King of Great Britain having declared war
  against France, I summons you in his name to surrender the
  Fort of Chandernagore. In case of refusal you are to answer
  the consequences, and expect to be treated according to the
  usage of war in such cases.

  "I have the honour to be, sir,

  "Your most obedient and humble servant,

  "ROBERT CLIVE."

It is important, in the light of what happened
later, to notice that Clive addresses Renault as a
combatant and the head of the garrison.

In England we have recently seen men eager to vilify their own
nation. France has produced similar monsters. One of them wrote from
Pondicherry:--

  "The English having changed their minds on the arrival
  of the reinforcement from Bombay, our gentlemen at Chandernagore
  prepared to ransom themselves, and they would have
  done so at whatever price the ransom had been fixed
  provided anything had remained to them. That mode of
  agreement could not possibly suit the taste of the English.
  It was rejected, and the Council of Chandernagore had
  no other resource except to surrender on the best conditions
  they could obtain from the generosity of their enemy. This
  course was so firmly resolved upon that they gave no
  thought to defending themselves. The military insisted only
  on firing a single discharge, which they desired the Council
  would grant them. It was only the marine and the citizens
  who, though they had no vote in the Council, cried out
  tumultuously that the Fort must be defended. A plot was
  formed to prevent the Director's son, who was ready to carry
  the keys of the town to the English camp, from going out.
  Suddenly some one fired a musket. The English thought
  it was the reply to their summons. They commenced on
  their side to fire their artillery, and that was how a defence
  which lasted ten whole days was begun."

How much truth is contained in the above paragraph may be judged by
what has been already stated. It will be sufficient to add that
Clive, receiving no answer to his summons, made a sudden attack on a
small earthwork to the south-west of the fort at 3 A.M. on the 14th
of March. For two whole days then, the English had been in sight of
Chandernagore without attacking. The French ladies had been sent to
Chinsurah and Serampore, so that the defenders had nothing to fear
on their account. Besides the French soldiers and civilians, there
were also about 2000 Moorish troops present, whom Law says he
persuaded the Nawab to send down as soon as the English left
Calcutta. Other accounts say that Renault hired them to assist him.
The Nawab had a strong force at Murshidabad ready to march under one
of his commanders, Rai Durlabh Ram; but the latter had experienced
what even a small English force could do in the night attack on the
Nawab's camp, and was by no means inclined to match himself a second
time against Clive; accordingly, he never got further than five
leagues from Murshidabad. Urgent messages were sent from
Chandernagore as soon as the attack began. M. Law begged of the
Nawab to send reinforcements. Mr. Watts, the English Chief, and all
his party in the _Durbar_, did their utmost to prevent any orders
being issued. The Nawab gave orders which he almost immediately
countermanded. Renault ascribes this to a letter which he says
Clive wrote on the 14th of March, the very day of the attack,
promising the Nawab to leave the French alone, but it is not at all
likely that he did so. It is true Clive had written to this effect
on the 22nd of February; but since then much had happened, and he
was now acting, as he thought and said, with the Nawab's permission.
On the 16th of March he wrote to Nand Kumar, Faujdar[35] of Hugli,
as follows:--

  "The many deceitful wicked measures that the French
  have taken to endeavour to deprive me of the Nawab's
  favour (tho' I thank God they have proved in vain, since
  his Excellency's friendship towards me is daily increasing)
  has long made me look on them as enemies to the English,
  but I could no longer stifle my resentment when I found
  that ... they dared to oppose the freedom of the English
  trade on the Ganges by seizing a boat with an English
  _dustuck_,[36] and under English colours that was passing by their
  town. I am therefore come to a resolution to attack them.
  I am told that some of the Government's forces have been
  perswaded under promise of great rewards from the French
  to join them against us; I should be sorry, at a time when
  I am so happy in his Excellency's favour and friendship, that
  I should do any injury to his servants; I am therefore to
  desire you will send these forces an order to withdraw, and
  that no other may come to their assistance."[37]

What Clive feared was that, though the
Nawab might not interfere openly, some of his
servants might receive secret orders to do so, and
on the 22nd of March he wrote even more curtly
to Rai Durlabh himself:--

  "I hear you are arrived within 20 miles of Hughly.
  Whether you come as a friend or an enemy, I know not. If
  as the latter, say so at once, and I will send some people out
  to fight you immediately.... Now you know my mind."[38]

When diplomatic correspondence was conducted in letters of this
kind, it is easy to understand that the Nawab was frightened out of
his wits, and absolutely unable to decide what course he should
take. There was little likelihood of the siege being influenced by
anything he might do.

The outpost mentioned as the object of the first attack was a small
earthwork, erected at the meeting of three roads. It was covered by
the Moorish troops, who held the roofs of the houses around. As the
intention of the outposts was merely to prevent the town from being
surprised, and to enable the inhabitants to take shelter in the
Fort, the outpost ought to have been withdrawn as quickly as
possible, but, probably because they thought it a point of honour
to make a stout defence wherever they were first attacked,
the defenders stood to it gallantly. Renault sent repeated
reinforcements, first the company of grenadiers, then at 9 o'clock
the company of artillery, and at 10 o'clock, when the surrounding
houses were in flames, and many of the Moors had fled, a company of
volunteers. With these, and a further reinforcement of sixty
sailors, the little fort held out till 7 o'clock in the evening,
when the English, after three fruitless assaults, ceased fire and
withdrew. Street fighting is always confusing, and hence the
following vague description of the day's events from Captain Eyre
Coote's journal:--

  "Colonel Clive ordered the picquets, with the company's
  grenadiers, to march into the French bounds, which is encompassed
  with an old ditch,[39] the entrance into it a gateway
  with embrasures on the top but no cannons, which the
  French evacuated on our people's advancing. As soon as
  Captain Lynn, who commanded the party, had taken possession,
  he acquainted the Colonel, who ordered Major Kilpatrick
  and me, with my company of grenadiers, to join Captain
  Lynn, and send him word after we had reconnoitred the
  place. On our arrival there we found a party of French was
  in possession of a road leading to a redoubt that they had
  thrown up close under their fort, where they had a battery
  of cannon, and upon our advancing down the road, they fired
  some shots at us. We detached some parties through a wood,
  and drove them from the road into their batteries with the
  loss of some men; we then sent for the Colonel, who, as soon
  as he joined us, sent to the camp for more troops. We
  continued firing at each other in an irregular manner till
  about noon, at which time the Colonel ordered me to continue
  with my grenadier company and about 200 sepoys at the
  advance post, and that he would go with the rest of our
  troops to the entrance, which was about a mile back. About
  2 o'clock word was brought me that the French were making
  a sortie. Soon after, I perceived the sepoys retiring from
  their post, upon which I sent to the Colonel to let him know
  the French were coming out. I was then obliged to divide
  my company, which consisted of about 50 men, into 2 or 3
  parties (very much against my inclination) to take possession
  of the ground the sepoys had quitted. We fired pretty
  warmly for a quarter of an hour from the different parties
  at each other, when the French retreated again into their
  battery. On this occasion I had a gentleman (Mr. Tooke[40]),
  who was a volunteer, killed, and 2 of my men wounded.
  The enemy lost 5 or 6 Europeans and some blacks. I got
  close under the battery, and was tolerably well sheltered by
  an old house, where I continued firing till about 7 o'clock,
  at which time I was relieved, and marched back to camp."

The defenders were much exhausted, as well by the fighting as by the
smoke and heat from the burning houses and the heat of the weather,
for it was almost the hottest season of the year. It seemed probable
that the English would make another attack during the night, and as
the defenders already amounted to a very large portion of the
garrison, it was almost impossible to reinforce them without
leaving the Fort itself in great danger, if Clive managed to
approach it from any other quarter. Renault called a council of war,
and, after taking the opinion of his officers in writing to the
effect that the outposts must be abandoned, he withdrew the
defenders at 9 o'clock, under cover of the darkness: The French had
suffered a loss of only 10 men killed and wounded. Clive mentions
that, at the same time, all the other outposts and batteries, except
those on the river side, were withdrawn.

Mustering his forces in the Fort, Renault found them to be composed
of 237 soldiers (of whom 117 were deserters from the British), 120
sailors, 70 half-castes and private Europeans, 100 persons employed
by the Company, 167 Sepoys and 100 _Topasses_. Another French
account puts the total of the French garrison at 489, but this
probably excludes many of the private people.[41]

On the 15th the English established themselves in the town, and
drove out the Moors who had been stationed on the roofs of the
houses. This gave them to some extent the command of the interior of
the Fort, but no immediate attack was made on the latter. A French
account[42] says this was because--

  "all their soldiers were drunk with the wine they had found
  in the houses. Unfortunately we did not know of this. It
  would have been the moment to make a sortie, of which the
  results must have been favourable to us, the enemy being
  incapable of defence."

During the night of the 15th the Fort was bombarded, and on the
morning of the 16th the British completed the occupation of the
houses deserted by the Moors. The latter not being received into the
Fort, either fled or were sent away. They betook themselves to Nand
Kumar, the Faujdar of Hugli, announcing the capture of the town.
Nand Kumar, who is said to have had an understanding with the
British, sent on the message to Rai Durlabh and the Nawab, with the
malicious addition that the Fort, if it had not already fallen,
would fall before Rai Durlabh could reach it. This put an end to all
chance of the Nawab interfering.

The French spent the day in blocking a narrow passage formed by a
sandbank in the river, a short distance below the town. They sank--

  "four large ships and a hulk,... and had a chain and boom
  across in order to prevent our going up with the squadron.
  Captain Toby sent his 2nd lieutenant, Mr. Bloomer, that night,
  who cut the chain and brought off a sloop that buoyed it up."[43]

It was apparently this rapid attack on the position that accounts
for the timidity of the pilots and boatmen, who, Renault tells us,
hurried away without staying to sink two other ships which were half
laden, and which, if sunk, would have completely blocked the
passage. Even on the ships which were sunk the masts had been left
standing, so as to point out their position to the enemy.

Besides the ships sunk in the passage, there were at Chandernagore
the French East Indiaman the _Saint Contest_ (Captain de la Vigne
Buisson), four large ships, and several small ones. The French
needed all the sailors for the Fort, so they sank all the vessels
they could not send up the river except three, which it was supposed
they intended to use as fire-ships.

Clive, in the meantime, was advancing cautiously, his men erecting
batteries, which seemed to be very easily silenced by the superior
gunnery of the Fort. His object was partly to weary out the garrison
by constant fighting, and partly to creep round to the river face,
so as to be in a position to take the batteries which commanded the
narrow river passage, as soon as Admiral Watson was ready to attack
the Fort. Later on, the naval officers asserted he could not have
taken the Fort without the assistance of the fleet. He said he
could, and it is certain that if he had had no fleet to assist him
his mode of attack would have been a very different one.

Early in the siege the French were warned from Chinsurah to beware
of treachery amongst the deserters in their pay, and on the 17th of
March a number of arrows were found in the Fort with labels
attached, bearing the words:--

  "Pardon to deserters who will rejoin their colours, and
  rewards to officers who will come over to us."

These were seized by the officers before the men could see them, but
one of the officers themselves, Charles Cossard de Terraneau, a
sub-lieutenant of the garrison, took advantage of the offer to go
over to the English. This officer had served with credit in the
South of India, and had lost an arm in his country's service. The
reason of his desertion is said to have been a quarrel with M.
Renault. M. Raymond, the translator of a native history of the time
by Gholam Husain Khan,[44] tells a story of De Terraneau which seems
improbable. It is to the effect that he betrayed the secret of the
river passage to Admiral Watson, and that a few years later he sent
home part of the reward of his treachery to his father in France.
The old man returned the money with indignant comments on his son's
conduct, and De Terraneau committed suicide in despair. As a matter
of fact, De Terraneau was a land officer,[45] and therefore not
likely to be able to advise the Admiral, who, as we shall see,
solved the riddle of the passage in a perfectly natural manner, and
the Probate Records show that De Terraneau lived till 1765, and in
his will left his property to his wife Ann, so the probability is
that he lived and died quietly in the British service. His only
trouble seems to have been to get himself received by his new
brother officers. However, he was, so Clive tells us, the only
artillery officer the French had, and his desertion was a very
serious matter. Renault writes:--

  "The same night, by the improved direction of the
  besiegers' bombs, I had no doubt but that he had done us
  a bad service."

On the 18th the French destroyed a battery which the English had
established near the river, and drove them out of a house opposite
the south-east bastion. The same day the big ships of the
squadron--the _Kent_ (Captain Speke), the _Tyger_ (Captain Latham),
and the _Salisbury_ (Captain Martin), appeared below the town. The
_Bridgewater_ and _Kingfisher_ had come up before. Admiral Watson
was on board the _Kent_, and Admiral Pocock on the _Tyger_. The
fleet anchored out of range of the Fort at the Prussian Gardens, a
mile and a half below the town, and half a mile below the narrow
passage in which the ships had been sunk.

On the 19th Admiral Watson formally announced the declaration of
war,[46] and summoned the Fort to surrender. The Governor called a
council of war, in which there was much difference of opinion. Some
thought the Admiral would not have come so far without his being
certain of his ability to force the passage; indeed the presence of
so many deserters in the garrison rendered it probable that he had
secret sources of information. As a matter of fact, it was only when
Lieutenant Hey, the officer who had brought the summons, and, in
doing so, had rowed between the masts of the sunken vessels,
returned to the _Kent_, that Admiral Watson knew the passage was
clear. Renault and the Council were aware that the Fort could not
resist the big guns of the ships, and accordingly the more
thoughtful members of the council of war determined, if possible, to
try and avoid fighting by offering a ransom. This apparently gave
rise to the idea that they wished to surrender, and an English
officer says:--

  "Upon the Admiral's sending them a summons ... to
  surrender, they were very stout; they gave us to understand
  there were two parties in the Factory, the Renaultions and
  the anti-Renaultions. The former, which they called the
  great-wigg'd gentry, or councillors, were for giving up the
  Fort, but the others vowed they would die in the breach. To
  these high and lofty expressions the Admiral could give no
  other answer than that in a very few days, or hours perhaps,
  he would give them a very good opportunity of testifying
  their zeal for the Company and the Grand Monarque."

The offer of ransom was made, and was refused by the Admiral.
Renault says, he--

  "insisted on our surrendering and the troops taking possession
  of the Fort, _promising, however, that every one should keep his
  own property_. There was not a man amongst us who did not
  prefer to run the risk of whatever might happen to surrendering
  in this fashion, without the Fort having yet suffered any
  material damage, and every one was willing to risk his own
  interests in order to defend those of the Company. Every
  one swore to do his best."

The Admiral could not attack at once, owing to the state of the
river, but to secure his own position against any counter-attack,
such as was very likely with a man like Captain de la Vigne in the
Fort, he sent up boats the same night, and sank the vessels which it
was supposed the French intended to use as fire-ships; and the next
day Mr. John Delamotte, master of the _Kent_, under a heavy fire,
sounded and buoyed the passage for the ships.

The army, meanwhile, continued its monotonous work ashore, the
soldiers building batteries for the French to knock to pieces, but
succeeding in Clive's object, which was "to keep the enemy
constantly awake."[47] Sometimes this work was dangerous, as, for
instance, on the 21st, when a ball from the Fort knocked down a
verandah close to one of the English batteries, "the rubbish of
which choked up one of our guns, very much bruised two artillery
officers, and buried several men in the ruins."[48]

By the 22nd Clive had worked his way round to the river, and was
established to the north-east and south-east of the Fort so as to
assist the Admiral, and on the river the Admiral had at last got the
high tide he was waiting for. Surgeon Ives tells the story as
follows:[49]--

  "The Admiral the same evening ordered lights to be
  placed on the masts of the vessels that had been sunk, with
  blinds towards the Fort, that we might see how to pass
  between them a little before daylight, and without being
  discovered by the enemy.

  "At length the glorious morning of the 23rd of March
  arrived." Clive's men gallantly stormed the battery covering
  the narrow pass,[50] "and upon the ships getting under sail the
  Colonel's battery, which had been finished behind a dead
  wall," to take off the fire of the Fort when the ships passed
  up, began firing away, and had almost battered down the
  corner of the south-east bastion before the ships arrived
  within shot of the Fort. "The _Tyger_, with Admiral Pocock's
  flag flying, took the lead, and about 6 o'clock in the morning
  got very well into her station against the north-east bastion.
  The _Kent_, with Admiral Watson's flag flying, quickly followed
  her, but before she could reach her proper station, the tide of
  ebb unfortunately made down the river, which occasioned her
  anchor to drag, so that before she brought up she had fallen
  abreast of the south-east bastion, the place where the _Salisbury_
  should have been, and from her mainmast aft she was exposed
  to the flank guns of the south-west bastion also. The accident
  of the _Kent's_ anchor not holding fast, and her driving down
  into the _Salisbury's_ station, threw this last ship out of action,
  to the great mortification of the captain, officers, and crew,
  for she never had it in her power to fire a gun, unless it was
  now and then, when she could sheer on the tide. The French,
  during the whole time of the _Kent_ and _Tyger's_ approach
  towards the Fort, kept up a terrible cannonade upon them,
  without any resistance on their part; but as soon as the
  ships came properly to an anchor they returned it with such
  fury as astonished their adversaries. Colonel Clive's troops
  at the same time got into those houses which were nearest
  the Fort, and from thence greatly annoyed the enemy with
  their musketry. Our ships lay so near to the Fort that the
  musket balls fired from their tops, by striking against the
  _chunam_[51] walls of the Governor's palace, which was in
  the very centre of the Fort, were beaten as flat as a half-crown.
  The fire now became general on both sides, and was
  kept up with extraordinary spirit. The flank guns of the
  south-west bastion galled the _Kent_ very much, and the
  Admiral's aide-de-camps being all wounded, Mr. Watson went
  down himself to Lieutenant William Brereton, who commanded
  the lower deck battery, and ordered him particularly
  to direct his fire against those guns, and they were accordingly
  soon afterwards silenced. At 8 in the morning
  several of the enemy's shot struck the _Kent_ at the same
  time; one entered near the foremast, and set fire to two or
  three 32-pound cartridges of gunpowder, as the boys held
  them in their hands ready to charge the guns. By the explosion,
  the wad-nets and other loose things took fire between
  decks, and the whole ship was so filled with smoke that the
  men, in their confusion, cried out she was on fire in the
  gunner's store-room, imagining from the shock they had
  felt from the balls that a shell had actually fallen into her.
  This notion struck a panic into the greater part of the crew,
  and 70 or 80 jumped out of the port-holes into the boats
  that were alongside the ship. The French presently saw
  this confusion on board the _Kent_, and, resolving to take the
  advantage, kept up as hot a fire as possible upon her during
  the whole time. Lieutenant Brereton, however, with the
  assistance of some other brave men, soon extinguished the
  fire, and then running to the ports, he begged the seamen to
  come in again, upbraiding them for deserting their quarters;
  but finding this had no effect upon them, he thought the
  more certain method of succeeding would be to strike them
  with a sense of shame, and therefore loudly exclaimed, 'Are
  you Britons? You Englishmen, and fly from danger? For
  shame! For shame!' This reproach had the desired effect;
  to a man they immediately returned into the ship, repaired
  to their quarters, and renewed a spirited fire on the enemy.

  "In about three hours from the commencement of the
  attack the parapets of the north and south bastions were
  almost beaten down; the guns were mostly dismounted, and
  we could plainly see from the main-top of the _Kent_ that the
  ruins from the parapet and merlons had entirely blocked up
  those few guns which otherwise might have been fit for
  service. We could easily discern, too, that there had been
  a great slaughter among the enemy, who, finding that our
  fire against them rather increased, hung out the white flag,
  whereupon a cessation of hostilities took place, and the
  Admiral sent Lieutenant Brereton (the only commissioned
  officer on board the _Kent_ that was not killed or wounded)
  and Captain Coote of the King's regiment with a flag of truce
  to the Fort, who soon returned, accompanied by the French
  Governor's son, with articles of capitulation, which being
  settled by the Admiral and Colonel, we soon after took possession
  of the place."

So far then from the besiegers' side; Renault's description of the
fight is as follows:--

  "The three largest vessels, aided by the high-water of
  the equinoctial tides, which, moreover, had moved the vessels
  sunk in the narrow passage, passed over the sunken ships,
  which did not delay them for a moment, to within half
  pistol shot of the Fort, and opened fire at 6 a.m. Then the
  troops in the battery on the bank of the Ganges, who had
  so far fired only one discharge, suddenly found themselves
  overwhelmed with the fire from the tops of the ships,
  abandoned it, and had much difficulty in gaining the Fort....
  I immediately sent the company of grenadiers, with a detachment
  of the artillery company as reinforcements, to the
  south-eastern bastion and the Bastion du Pavillon, which two
  bastions face the Ganges; but those troops under the fire of
  the ships, joined to that of the land batteries, _rebuilt the
  same night_, and of more than 3000 men placed on the roofs
  of houses which overlooked the Fort, almost all took flight,
  leaving two of their officers behind, one dead and the other
  wounded. I was obliged to send immediately all the marine
  and the inhabitants from the other posts.

  "The attack was maintained with vigour from 6 a.m. to
  10.30, when all the batteries were covered with dead and
  wounded, the guns dismounted, and the merlons destroyed,
  in spite of their being strengthened with bales of cloth. No
  one could show himself on the bastions, demolished by the
  fire of more than 100 guns; the troops were terrified during
  this attack by the loss of all the gunners and of nearly
  200 men; the bastions were undermined, and threatened to
  crumble away and make a breach, which the exhaustion of
  our people, and the smallness of the number who remained,
  made it impossible for us to hope to defend successfully.
  Not a soldier would put his hand to a gun; it was only the
  European marine who stood to their duty, and half of these
  were already killed or disabled. A body of English troops,
  lying flat on the ground behind the screen which we had commenced
  to erect on the bank of the Ganges, was waiting the
  signal to attack. Seeing the impossibility of holding out longer,
  I thought that in the state in which the Fort was I could not
  in prudence expose it to an assault. Consequently I hoisted
  the white flag and ordered the drums to beat a parley."

According to an account written later by a person who was not
present at the siege, Renault lost his Fort by a quarter of an hour.
This writer says the tide was rapidly falling, and, had the eastern
defences of the Fort been able to resist a little longer, the ships
would have found their lower tiers of guns useless, and might have
been easily destroyed by the French. Suppositions of this kind
always suppose a stupidity on the part of the enemy which Renault
had no right to count upon. Admiral Watson must have known the
strength of the fortress he was about to attack before he placed
his ships in a position from which it would be impossible to
withdraw them whenever he wished to do so.

The flag of truce being displayed, Captain Eyre Coote was sent
ashore, and returned in a quarter of an hour with the Governor's son
bearing "a letter concerning the delivery of the place." Articles
were agreed upon, and about 3 o'clock in the afternoon Captain
Coote, with a company of artillery and two companies of grenadiers,
took possession of the Fort. Before this took place there occurred
an event the consequences of which were very unfortunate for the
French. Everything was in a state of confusion, and the deserters,
who formed the majority of the garrison, expecting no mercy from the
Admiral and Clive, determined to escape. Rushing tumultuously to the
Porte Royale, their arms in their hands, they forced it to be opened
to them, and, finding the northern road to Chinsurah unguarded, made
the best of their way in that direction. They were accompanied by a
number of the military and marine, as well as by some of the
Company's servants and private persons who were determined not to
surrender. As all this took place after the hoisting of the white
flag and pending the conclusion of the capitulation, the English
considered it a breach of the laws of warfare, and when later on
the meaning of the capitulation itself was contested they absolutely
refused to listen to any of the representations of the French. In
all about 150 persons left the Fort. They had agreed to reassemble
at a place a little above Hugli. The English sent a small force
after them, who shot some and captured others, but about 80 officers
and men arrived at the rendezvous in safety. The pursuit, however,
was carried further, and Law writes:--

  "Constantly pursued, they had to make forced marches.
  Some lost their way; others, wearied out, were caught as they
  stopped to rest themselves. However, when I least expected
  it, I was delighted to see the officers and many of the soldiers
  arrive in little bands of 5 and 6, all naked, and so worn out
  that they could hardly hold themselves upright. Most of
  them had lost their arms."

This reinforcement increased Law's garrison from 10 or 12 men to 60,
and secured the safety of his person, but the condition of the
fugitives must have been an object lesson to the Nawab and his
_Durbar_ which it was not wise for the French to set before them. A
naval officer writes:--

  "From the letters that have lately passed between the
  Nawab and us, we have great reason to hope he will not
  screen the French at all at Cossimbazar or Dacca. I only
  wish the Colonel does not alarm him too much, by moving
  with the army to the northward, I do assure you he is so
  sufficiently frightened that he had rather encounter the new
  Mogul[52] himself than accept our assistance, though he strenuously
  begged for it about three weeks ago. He writes word
  he needs no fuller assurance of our friendship for him, when
  a single letter brought us so far on the road to Murshidabad
  as Chandernagore."[53]

The escape of the French from Chandernagore is of interest, as it
shows the extraordinary condition of the country. It is probable
that the peasantry and gentry were indifferent as to whether the
English or the French were victorious, whilst the local authorities
were so paralyzed by the Nawab's hesitation that they did not know
which side to assist. Later on we shall find that small parties, and
even solitary Frenchmen, wandered through the country with little or
no interference, though the English had been recognized as the
friends and allies of the new Nawab, Mir Jafar.

To return, however, to Renault and the garrison of Chandernagore.
The capitulation proposed by Renault and the Admiral's answers were
to the following effect:--

1. The lives of the deserters to be spared. _Answer_. The deserters
to surrender absolutely.

2. Officers of the garrison to be prisoners on parole, and allowed
to keep their effects. _Answer_. Agreed to.

3. Soldiers of the garrison to be prisoners of war. _Answer_. Agreed
to, on condition that foreigners may enter the English service.

4. Sepoys of the garrison to be set free. _Answer_. Agreed to.

5. Officers and crew of the French Company's ship to be sent to
Pondicherry. _Answer_. These persons to be prisoners of war
according to articles 2 and 3.

6. The Jesuit fathers to be allowed to practise their religion and
retain their property. _Answer_. No European to be allowed to remain
at Chandernagore, but the fathers to be allowed to retain their
property.

7. All inhabitants to retain their property. _Answer_. This to be
left to the Admiral's sense of equity.

8. The French Factories up-country to be left in the hands of their
present chiefs. _Answer_. This to be settled by the Nawab and the
Admiral.

9. The French Company's servants to go where they please, with their
clothes and linen. _Answer_. Agreed to.

It is evident that the capitulation was badly drawn up. Civilians
who had taken part in the defence, as had all the Company's
servants, might be justly included in the garrison, and accordingly
Admiral Watson and Clive declared they were all prisoners of war,
and that article 9 merely permitted them to reside where they
pleased on _parole_. On the other hand, Renault and the French
Council declared that, being civilians, nothing could make them part
of the garrison, and therefore under article 9 they might do what
they pleased. Accordingly, they expressed much surprise when they
were stopped at the Fort gates by one of Clive's officers, and
forced to sign, before they were allowed to pass, a paper promising
not to act against Britain directly or indirectly during the course
of the war.

Another point of difficulty was in reference to article 7. The town
had been in the hands of the British soldiers and sepoys for days.
Much had been plundered, and both soldiers and sailors were wild for
loot. They considered that the Admiral was acting unjustly to them
in restoring their property to civilians who had been offered the
chance of retaining it if they would avoid unnecessary bloodshed by
a prompt surrender. Instead of this, the defence was so desperate
that one officer writes:--

  "Our losses have been very great, and we have never
  yet obtained a victory at so dear a rate. Perhaps you will
  hear of few instances where two ships have met with heavier
  damage than the _Kent_ and _Tyger_ in this engagement."[54]

Clive's total loss was only about 40 men killed and wounded, but
the loss on the ships was so great, that before the Fort surrendered
the besiegers had lost quite as many men as the besieged, and it was
by no means clear to the common mind what claim the French had to
leniency. Even English officers wrote:--

  "The Messieurs themselves deserve but little mercy from
  us for their mean behaviour in setting fire to so many bales
  of cloth and raw silk in the Fort but a very few minutes
  before we entered, and it grieves us much, to see such a
  number of stout and good vessels sunk with their whole
  cargoes far above the Fort, which is a great loss to us and
  no profit to them. Those indeed below, to hinder our passage
  were necessary, the others were _merely through mischief_.
  But notwithstanding this they scarcely ask a favour from
  the Admiral but it is granted."

The result was that the soldiers on guard began to beat the coolies
who were helping the French to secure their goods, until they were
induced by gifts to leave them alone, and much plundering went on
when the soldiers could manage to escape notice. On one day three
black soldiers were executed, and on another Sergeant Nover[55] and
a private soldier of the 39th Regiment were condemned to death, for
breaking open the Treasury and stealing 3000 rupees. Another theft,
which was not traced, was the holy vessels and treasure of the
Church.

Many individual Frenchmen were ruined. Of one of these Surgeon Ives
narrates the following pleasing incident:--

  "It happened unfortunately ... that Monsieur Nicolas,
  a man of most amiable character, and the father of a large
  family, had not been so provident as the rest of his countrymen
  in securing his effects within the Fort, but had left them
  in the town; consequently, upon Colonel Clive's first taking
  possession of the place, they had all been plundered by our
  common soldiers; and the poor gentleman and his family
  were to all appearance ruined. The generous and humane
  Captain Speke,[56] having heard of the hard fate of Monsieur
  Nicolas, took care to represent it to the two admirals in all
  its affecting circumstances, who immediately advanced the
  sum of 1500 rupees each. Their example was followed by
  the five captains of the squadron, who subscribed 5000
  between them. Mr. Doidge added 800 more, and the same
  sum was thrown in by another person who was a sincere well-wisher
  to this unfortunate gentleman; so that a present of
  9600 rupees, or L1200 sterling was in a few minutes collected
  towards the relief of this valuable Frenchman and his
  distressed family. One of the company was presently
  despatched with this money, who had orders to acquaint
  Monsieur Nicolas that a few of his English friends desired
  his acceptance of it, as a small testimony of the very high
  esteem they had for his moral character, and of their
  unfeigned sympathy with him in his misfortunes. The poor
  gentleman, quite transported by such an instance of generosity
  in an enemy, cried out in a sort of ecstasy, 'Good God,
  they axe friends indeed!' He accepted of the present with
  great thankfulness, and desired that his most grateful
  acknowledgements might be made to his unknown benefactors,
  for whose happiness and the happiness of their
  families, not only his, but the prayers of his children's
  children, he hoped, would frequently be presented to heaven.
  He could add no more; the tears, which ran plentifully down
  his cheeks, bespoke the feelings of his heart: and, indeed,
  implied much more than even Cicero with all his powers of
  oratory could possibly have expressed."

This, however, was but a solitary instance; the state of the French
was, as a rule, wretched in the extreme, and Renault wrote:--

  "The whole colony is dispersed, and the inhabitants are
  seeking an asylum, some--the greatest part--have gone to
  Chinsurah, others to the Danes and to Calcutta. This
  dispersion being caused by the misery to which our countrymen
  are reduced, their poverty, which I cannot relieve,
  draws tears from my eyes, the more bitter that I have seen
  them risk their lives so generously for the interests of the
  Company, and of our nation."

In such circumstances there was but one consolation possible to
brave men--the knowledge that, in the eyes of friend and foe, they
had done their duty. The officers of the British army and navy all
spoke warmly of the gallant behaviour of the French, and the
historian Broome, himself a soldier and the chronicler of many a
brave deed, expresses himself as follows:--

  "The conduct of the French on this occasion was most
  creditable and well worthy the acknowledged gallantry of
  that nation. Monsieur Renault, the Governor, displayed
  great courage and determination: but the chief merit of the
  defence was due to Monsieur Devignes" (Captain de la
  Vigne Buisson), "commander of the French Company's ship,
  _Saint Contest_. He took charge of the bastions, and directed
  their fire with great skill and judgment, and by his own
  example inspired energy and courage into all those around
  him."

Renault himself found some consolation in the gallant behaviour of
his sons.

  "In my misfortune I have had the satisfaction to see my
  two sons distinguish themselves in the siege with all the
  courage and intrepidity which I could desire. The elder
  brother was in the Company's service, and served as a
  volunteer; the younger, an officer in the army, was, as has
  been said above, commandant of the volunteers."

Others who are mentioned by Renault and his companions as having
distinguished themselves on the French side, were the Councillors
MM. Caillot, Nicolas, and Picques, Captain de la Vigne Buisson and
his son and officers, M. Sinfray (secretary to the Council), the
officers De Kalli[57] and Launay, the Company's servants Matel, Le
Conte Dompierre, Boissemont and Renault de St. Germain, the private
inhabitant Renault de la Fuye, and the two supercargoes of Indiamen
Delabar and Chambon. Caillot (or Caillaud) was wounded. The
official report of the loss of Chandernagore was drawn up on the
29th of March, 1757. The original is in the French Archives, and
Caillaud's signature shows that he was still suffering from his
wound. Sinfray we shall come across again. He joined Law at
Cossimbazar and accompanied him on his first retreat to Patna. Sent
back by Law, he joined Siraj-ud-daula, and commanded the small
French contingent at Plassey. When the battle was lost he took
refuge in Birbhum, was arrested by the Raja, and handed over to the
English.

The immediate gain to the English by the capture of Chandernagore
was immense. Clive wrote to the Select Committee at Madras:--

  "I cannot at present give you an account to what value
  has been taken;[58] the French Company had no great stock
  of merchandize remaining, having sold off most of their
  Imports and even their investment for Europe to pay in part
  the large debts they had contracted. With respect to the
  artillery and ammunition ... they were not indifferently
  furnished: there is likewise a very fine marine arsenal well
  stocked. In short nothing could have happened more
  seasonable for the expeditious re-establishment of Calcutta
  than the reduction of Charnagore" (i.e. Chandernagore). "It
  was certainly a large, rich and thriving colony, and the loss
  of it is an inexpressible blow to the French Company."[59]

The French gentlemen, after having signed under protest the document
presented to them by Clive, betook themselves to Chinsurah, where
they repudiated their signatures as having been extorted by force,
subsequent to, and contrary to, the capitulation. They proceeded to
communicate with Pondicherry, their up-country Factories, and the
native Government; they also gave assistance to French soldiers who
had escaped from Chandernagore. Clive and the Calcutta Council were
equally determined to interpret the capitulation in their own way,
and sent Renault an order, through M. Bisdom, the Dutch Director, to
repair to the British camp. Renault refused, and when Clive sent a
party of sepoys for him and the other councillors, they appealed to
M. Bisdom for the protection of the Dutch flag. M. Bisdom informed
them somewhat curtly that they had come to him without his
invitation, that he had no intention of taking any part in their
quarrels, that he would not give them the protection of his flag to
enable them to intrigue against the English, and, in short,
requested them to leave Dutch territory. As it was evident that the
British were prepared to use force, Renault and the Council gave in,
and were taken to Calcutta, where, for some time, they were kept
close prisoners. It was not till the Nawab had been overthrown at
Plassey, that they were absolutely released, and even then it was
only that they might prepare for their departure from Bengal.
Renault surmises, quite correctly, that this severity was probably
due to the fear that they would assist the Nawab.

The following incident during Renault's captivity shows how little
could be expected from the Nawab towards a friend who was no longer
able to be of use to him. After the capture of Chandernagore the
English Council called on the Nawab to surrender the French
up-country Factories to them. Siraj-ud-daula had not even yet
learned the folly of his double policy. On the 4th of April he wrote
to Clive:--

  "I received your letter and observe what you desire in
  regard to the French factories and other goods. I address
  you seeing you are a man of wisdom and knowledge, and
  well acquainted with the customs and trade of the world;
  and you must know that the French by the permission and
  _phirmaund_[60] of the King[61] have built them several factories,
  and carried on their trade in this kingdom. I cannot
  therefore without hurting my character and exposing
  myself to trouble hereafter, deliver up their factories and
  goods, unless I have a written order from them for so doing,
  and I am perswaded that from your friendship for me you
  would never be glad at anything whereby my fame would
  suffer; as I on my part am ever desirous of promoting" [yours].

  "Mr. Renault, the French. Governor being in your power, if
  you could get from him a paper under his own hand and
  seal to this purpose; 'That of his own will and pleasure, he
  thereby gave up to the English Company's servants, and
  empowered them to receive all the factories, money and
  goods belonging to the French Company without any hindrance
  from the Nawab's people;' and would send this to
  me, I should be secured by that from any trouble hereafter
  on this account. But it is absolutely necessary you come
  to some agreement about the King's duties arising from the
  French trade.... I shall then be able to answer to his
  servants 'that in order to make good the duties accruing
  from the French trade I had delivered up their factories
  into the hands of the English.'"[62]

Clive replied on the 8th of April:--

  "Now that I have granted terms to Mr. Renault, and
  that he is under my protection, it is contrary to our custom,
  after this, to use violence; and without it how would he ever
  of his own will and pleasure, write to desire you to deliver
  up his master's property. Weigh the justice of this in your
  own mind. Notwithstanding we have reduced the French
  so low you, contrary to your own interest and the treaty
  you have made with us, that my enemies should be yours,
  you still support and encourage them. But should you
  think it would hurt your character to deliver up the French
  factories and goods, your Excellency need only signify to me
  your approbation and I will march up and take them."[63]

The more we study the records of the time, the more clearly we
realize the terrible determination of Clive's character, and we
almost feel a kind of pity for the weak creatures who found
themselves opposed to him, until we come across incidents like the
above, which show the depths of meanness to which they were prepared
to descend.

As to Renault's further career little is known, and that little we
should be glad to forget. Placed in charge of the French Settlement
at Karical, he surrendered, on the 5th of April, 1760, to what was
undoubtedly an overwhelming British force, but after so poor a
defence that he was brought before a Court Martial and cashiered. It
speaks highly for the respect in which he had been held by both
nations that none of the various reports and accounts of the siege
mention him by name. Even Lally, who hated the French Civilians,
though he says he deserved death,[64] only refers to him indirectly
as being the same officer of the Company who had surrendered
Chandernagore to Clive.

We shall now pass to what went on in Siraj-ud-daula's Court and
capital.





FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 12: Journal of M. d'Albert.]

[Footnote 13: Evidently the Parish Church of St. Louis. Eyre Coote
tells us the French had four guns mounted on its roof.]

[Footnote 14: In early accounts of India the Muhammadans are always
called _Moors_; the Hindus, _Gentoos_ or _Gentiles_. The _Topasses_
were Portuguese half-castes, generally employed, even by native
princes, as gunners.]

[Footnote 15: Captain Broome says there were fifty European ladies
in the Fort. The French accounts say they all retired, previous to
the siege, to Chinsurah and Serampore.]

[Footnote 16: Captain, afterwards Sir, Eyre Coote.]

[Footnote 17: The fullest account is one by Renault, dated October
26, 1758.]

[Footnote 18: The only one, excepting the battle of Biderra, between
the English and Dutch.]

[Footnote 19: Governor of Pondicherry and President of the Superior
Council.]

[Footnote 20: Eyre Coote, in his "Journal," mentions an old ditch,
which surrounded the settlement.]

[Footnote 21: One hundred toises, or 600 feet; but Eyre Coote says
330 yards, the difference probably due to the measurement excluding
or including the outworks.]

[Footnote 22: Tanks, or artificial ponds, in Bengal are often of
great size. I have seen some a quarter of a mile long.]

[Footnote 23: Letter to M. de Montorcin, Chandernagore, August 1
1756. Signature lost.]

[Footnote 24: The Nawab, in July, 1756, extorted three lakhs from
the French and even more from the Dutch.]

[Footnote 25: British Museum. Additional MS. 20,914.]

[Footnote 26: A kind of fibre used in making bags and other coarse
materials.]

[Footnote 27: Surgeon Ives's Journal.]

[Footnote 28: Letter to De Montorcin.]

[Footnote 29: Both English and French use this word "inhabitant" to
signify any resident who was not official, military, or in the
seafaring way.]

[Footnote 30: This he did through the Armenian Coja Wajid, a wealthy
merchant of Hugli, who advised the Nawab on European affairs.
_Letter from Coja Wajid to Clive, January 17, 1757_.]

[Footnote 31: A French doctor, who has left an account of the
Revolutions in Bengal, says there were eight outposts, and that the
loss of one would have involved the loss of all the others, as they
could be immediately cut off from the Fort, from which they were too
distant to be easily reinforced. The doctor does not sign his name,
but he was probably one of the six I mentioned above. Their names
were Haillet (doctor), La Haye (surgeon-major), Du Cap (second), Du
Pre (third), Droguet (fourth), and St. Didier (assistant).]

[Footnote 32: M. Vernet, the Dutch Chief at Cossimbazar, wrote to
the Dutch Director at Chinsurah that he could obtain a copy of this
treaty from the Nawab's secretaries, if he wished for it.]

[Footnote 33: See page 79 (and note).]

[Footnote 34: See note, p. 89.]

[Footnote 35: Governor.]

[Footnote 36: A document authorising the free transit of certain
goods, and their exemption from custom dues, in favour of English
traders.--_Wilson_.]

[Footnote 37: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2744, No. 71.]

[Footnote 38: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2750, No. 83.]

[Footnote 39: Still visible, I believe, in parts. The gateway
certainly exists.]

[Footnote 40: Mr. Tooke was a Company's servant. He had
distinguished himself in the defence of Calcutta in 1756, when he
was wounded, and, being taken on board the ships, escaped the
dreadful ordeal of the Black Hole.]

[Footnote 41: Neither of these accounts agree with the Capitulation
Returns.]

[Footnote 42: British Museum. Addl. MS. 20,914.]

[Footnote 43: Remarks on board His Majesty's ship _Tyger_, March
15th.]

[Footnote 44: His maternal grandfather was a cousin of Aliverdi
Khan.]

[Footnote 45: Malleson explains this by saying that De Terraneau was
employed in the blocking up of the passage, but the story hardly
needs contradiction.]

[Footnote 46: This announcement seems superfluous after fighting had
been going on for several days, but it simply shows the friction
between the naval and military services.]

[Footnote 47: Clive's journal for March 16th. Fort St. George, Sel.
Com. Cons., 28th April, 1757.]

[Footnote 48: Eyre Coote's journal.]

[Footnote 49: The passages interpolated are on the authority of a
MS. in the Orme Papers, entitled "News from Bengal."]

[Footnote 50: Accounts of this detail differ. One says it was
stormed on the 21st, but if so the French would have been more on
their guard, and would surely have strengthened the second battery
in front of the Fort.]

[Footnote 51: Lime plaster made extremely hard.]

[Footnote 52: The Emperor at Delhi, who was supposed to be about to
invade Bengal.]

[Footnote 53: Orme MSS. O.V. 32, p. 11.]

[Footnote 54: Orme MSS. O.V. 32, p. 10.]

[Footnote 55: Sergeant Nover was pardoned in consideration of
previous good conduct. _Letter from Clive to Colonel Adlercron,
March_ 29, 1757.]

[Footnote 56: Captain Speke was seriously and his son mortally
wounded in the attack on Chandernagore.]

[Footnote 57: I cannot identify this name in the Capitulation
Returns. Possibly he was killed.]

[Footnote 58: Surgeon Ives says the booty taken was valued at
L130,000.]

[Footnote 59: Orme MSS. India X., p. 2390. Letter of 30th March,
1757.]

[Footnote 60: _Firman_, or Imperial Charter.]

[Footnote 61: The Mogul, Emperor, or King of Delhi, to whom the
Bengal Nawabs were nominally tributary.]

[Footnote 62: Orme MSS. India XI. pp. 2766-7, No. 111.]

[Footnote 63: Ibid., p. 2768, No. 112.]

[Footnote 64: Memoirs of Lally. London, 1766.]


[Illustration: MUXADABAD, OR MURSHIDABAD. (_After Rennell_.)]




CHAPTER III

M. LAW, CHIEF OF COSSIMBAZAR


A few miles out of Murshidabad, capital of the Nawabs of Bengal
since 1704, when Murshid Kuli Khan transferred his residence from
Dacca to the ancient town of Muxadabad and renamed it after himself,
lay a group of European Factories in the village or suburb of
Cossimbazar.[65] Of these, one only, the English, was fortified; the
others, i.e. the French and Dutch, were merely large houses lying in
enclosures, the walls of which might keep out cattle and wild
animals and even thieves, but were useless as fortifications. In
1756 the Chief of the English Factory, as we have already seen, was
the Worshipful Mr. William Watts; the Dutch factory was under M.
Vernet,[66] and the French under M. Jean Law. The last mentioned was
the elder son of William Law, brother of John Law the financier,
who settled in France, and placed his sons in the French service.
French writers[67] on genealogy have hopelessly mixed up
the two brothers, Jean and Jacques Francois. Both came to
India, both distinguished themselves, both rose to the rank of
colonel, one by his services to the French East India Company, and
one by the usual promotion of an officer in the King's army. The
only proof that the elder was the Chief of Cossimbazar is to be
found in a few letters, mostly copies, in which his name is given as
Jean or John. As a usual rule he signed himself in the French manner
by his surname only, or as Law of Lauriston.

His experiences during the four years following the accession of
Siraj-ud-daula were painful and exciting, and he has recorded them
in a journal or memoir[68] which has never yet been published, but
which is of great interest to the student of Indian history. For us
it has the added charm of containing a picture of ourselves painted
by one who, though a foreigner by education, was enabled by his
birth to understand our national peculiarities. In the present
chapter I shall limit myself almost entirely to quotations from this
memoir.

Law was by no means an admirer of Aliverdi Khan's successor,--

  "Siraj-ud-daula, a young man of twenty-four or twenty-five,[69]
  very common in appearance. Before the death of Aliverdi
  Khan the character of Siraj-ud-daula was reported to be one
  of the worst ever known. In fact, he had distinguished himself
  not only by all sorts of debauchery, but by a revolting
  cruelty. The Hindu women are accustomed to bathe on the
  banks of the Ganges. Siraj-ud-daula, who was informed by
  his spies which of them were beautiful, sent his satellites in
  disguise in little boats to carry them off. He was often
  seen, in the season when the river overflows, causing the
  ferry boats to be upset or sunk in order to have the cruel
  pleasure of watching the terrified confusion of a hundred
  people at a time, men, women, and children, of whom many,
  not being able to swim, were sure to perish. When it
  became necessary to get rid of some great lord or minister,
  Siraj-ud-daula alone appeared in the business, Aliverdi Khan
  retiring to one of his houses or gardens outside the town, so
  that he might not hear the cries of the persons whom he was
  causing to be killed."

So bad was the reputation of this young prince, that many persons,
among them Mr. Watts, imagined it impossible that the people would
ever tolerate his accession. The European nations in Bengal had no
regular representatives at the Court of the Nawab; and the Chiefs of
the Factories at Cossimbazar, though now and then admitted to the
_Durbar_, transacted their business mainly through _wakils_, or
native agents, who, of course, had the advantage of knowing the
language and, what was of much greater importance, understood all
those indirect ways in which in Eastern countries one's own business
is forwarded and that of one's rivals thwarted. Then, as now, the
difficulty of dealing with native agents was to induce these agents
to express their own opinions frankly and clearly.[70] So far from
the English Chief being corrected by his _wakil_, we find the
latter, whilst applying to other nobles for patronage and
assistance, studiously refraining from making any application to
Siraj-ud-daula when English business had to be transacted at Court.

The English went even further:--

  "On certain occasions they refused him admission into
  their factory at Cossimbazar and their country houses,
  because, in fact, this excessively blustering and impertinent
  young man used to break the furniture, or, if it pleased his
  fancy, take it away. But Siraj-ud-daula was not the man
  to forget what he regarded as an insult. The day after the
  capture of the English fort at Cossimbazar, he was heard to
  say in full _Durbar_, 'Behold the English, formerly so proud
  that they did not wish to receive me in their houses!' In
  short, people knew, long before the death of Aliverdi Khan,
  that Siraj-ud-daula was hostile to the English."

With the French it was different:--

  "On the other hand, he was very well disposed towards
  us. It being our interest to humour him, we had received
  him with a hundred times more politeness than he deserved.
  By the advice of Rai Durlabh Ram and Mohan Lal, we had
  recourse to him in important affairs. Consequently, we
  gave him presents from time to time, and this confirmed his
  friendship for us. The previous year (1755) had been a
  very good one for him, owing to the business connected with
  the settlement of the Danes in Bengal. In fact, it was by
  his influence that I was enabled to conclude this affair, and
  Aliverdi Khan allowed him to retain all the profit from it,
  so I can say that I had no bad place in the heart of Siraj-ud-daula.
  It is true he was a profligate, but a profligate who
  was to be feared, who could be useful to us, _and who might
  some day be a good man_. Nawajis Muhammad Khan[71] had
  been at least as vicious as Siraj-ud-daula, and yet he had
  become the idol of the people."

Law, therefore, had cultivated the young Nawab. Mr. Watts, on the
other hand, was not only foolish enough to neglect him, but carried
his folly to extremes. He was not in a position to prevent his
accession, and ought therefore to have been careful by the
correctness of his behaviour to show no signs of being opposed to
it. So far from this, he is strongly suspected of having entered
into correspondence with the widow of Nawajis Khan, who had adopted
Siraj-ud-daula's younger brother[72] and was supporting his
candidature for the throne, and also with Saukat Jang, Nawab of
Purneah and cousin of Siraj-ud-daula, who was trying to obtain the
throne for himself. Still further, he advised Mr. Drake, Governor of
Calcutta, to give shelter to Kissendas, son of Raj Balav (Nawajis
Khan's _Diwan_), who had fled with the treasures in his charge when
his father was called to account for his master's property.

Contrary to Mr. Watts's expectations, Aliverdi Khan's last acts so
smoothed the way for Siraj-ud-daula, and the latter acted with such
decision and promptitude on his grandfather's death, that in an
incredibly short time he had all his enemies at his feet, and was at
leisure to attend to state business, and especially the affairs
of the foreign Settlements. Aliverdi Khan had always been
extremely jealous of allowing the European nations to erect any
fortifications, but, during his last illness, all of them, expecting
a contested succession, during which, owing to complications in
Europe, they might find themselves at war with each other in India,
began to repair their old walls or to erect new ones. This was
exactly what Siraj-ud-daula wanted. His first care on his accession
had been to make himself master of his grandfather's and uncle's
treasures. To these he had added those of such of his grandfather's
servants as he could readily lay hands on. Other wealthy nobles and
officers had fled to the English, or were suspected of having
secretly sent their treasures to Calcutta. It was also supposed that
the European Settlements, and especially Calcutta, were filled with
the riches accumulated by the foreigners. Whilst, therefore, the
Nawab was determined to make all the European nations contribute
largely in honour of his accession, and in atonement for their
insolence in fortifying themselves without his permission, he had
special reasons for beginning with the English. In the mean time,
however, he had first to settle with his cousin, Saukat Jang, the
Nawab of Purneah, so he contented himself with sending orders to the
Chiefs of the Factories to pull down their new fortifications. Law
acted wisely and promptly.

  "I immediately drew up an _Arzi_, or Petition, and had one
  brought from the Council in Chandernagore of the same
  tenour as my own. These two papers were sent to Siraj-ud-daula,
  who appeared satisfied with them. He even wrote
  me in reply that he did not forbid our repairing old works,
  but merely our making new ones. Besides, the spies who
  had been sent to Chandernagore, being well received and
  satisfied with the presents made them, submitted a report
  favourable to us, so that our business was hushed up."

The English behaved very differently, and their answer, which was
bold if not insolent in tone,[73] reached the Nawab at the very
moment when he had received the submission of the Nawab of Purneah.
Law adds:--

  "I was assured that the Nawab of Purneah showed him
  some letters which he had received from the English. This
  is difficult to believe, but this is how the match took fire.

  "Accordingly, no sooner had the Nawab heard the contents
  of the answer from the English, than he jumped up in
  anger, and, pulling out his sword, swore he would go and
  exterminate all the Feringhees.[74] At the same time he gave
  orders for the march of his army, and appointed several
  Jemadars[75] to command the advance guard. As in his first
  burst of rage he had used the general word Feringhees,
  which is applied to all Europeans, some friends whom I had
  in the army, and who did not know how our business had
  ended, sent to warn me to be on my guard, as our Factory
  would be besieged. The alarm was great with us, and with
  the English, at Cossimbazar. I spent more than twenty-four
  hours in much anxiety; carrying wood, provisions, etc., into
  the Factory, but I soon knew what to expect. I saw horsemen
  arrive and surround the English fort, and at the same
  time I received an official letter from the Nawab, telling me
  not to be anxious, and that he was as well pleased with us
  as he was ill pleased with the English."

Cossimbazar surrendered without firing a shot, owing to the
treacherous advice of the Nawab's generals, and Siraj-ud-daula
advanced on Calcutta. It was with the greatest difficulty that Law
escaped being forced to march in his train.

  "The remains of the respect which he had formerly felt
  for Europeans made him afraid of failure in his attack
  on Calcutta, which had been represented to him as a very
  strong place, defended by three or four thousand men. He
  wrote to me in the strongest terms to engage the Director of
  Chandernagore to give him what assistance he could in men
  and ammunition. 'Calcutta is yours,' he said to our agent
  in full _Durbar_; 'I give you that place and its dependencies
  as the price of the services you will render me. I know,
  besides, that the English are your enemies; you are always
  at war with them either in Europe or on the Coromandel
  Coast, so I can interpret your refusal only as a sign of the
  little interest you take in what concerns me. I am resolved
  to do you as much good as Salabat Jang[76] has done you in
  the Deccan, but if you refuse my friendship and the offers I
  make you, you will soon see me fall on you and cause you
  to experience the same treatment that I am now preparing
  for others in your favour.' He wished us to send down at
  once to Calcutta all the ships and other vessels which were
  at Chandernagore. After having thanked him for his
  favourable disposition towards us, I represented to him
  that we were not at war with the English, that what had
  happened on the Coromandel Coast was a particular affair
  which we had settled amicably, and that the English, in
  Bengal having given us no cause of offence, it was impossible
  for us, without orders either from Europe or Pondicherry, to
  give him the assistance he asked for. Such reasons could
  only excite irritation in the mind of a man of Siraj-ud-daula's
  character. He swore he would have what he wanted
  whether we wished it or not, and that, as we lived in his
  country, his will ought to be law to us. I did my best to
  appease him, but uselessly. At the moment of his departure
  his sent us word by one of his uncles that he still counted
  on our assistance, and he sent me a letter for the Governor of
  Pondicherry, in which he begged him to give us the necessary
  orders. I thought to myself this was so much time gained."

The Nawab captured Calcutta without any open assistance from the
French, and, though he set free most of the prisoners who survived
the Black Hole, he sent Holwell and three others before him to
Murshidabad. Law, who had already sheltered Mrs. Watts and her
family, and such of the English of Cossimbazar as had been able to
escape to him, now showed similar kindness to Holwell and his
companions. Of this he says modestly:--

  "The gratitude Mr. Holwell expresses for a few little
  services which I was able to render him makes me regret
  my inability to do as much to deserve his gratitude as I
  should have liked to do."[77]

He also, apparently with some difficulty, obtained consent to M.
Courtin's request for the release of the English prisoners at Dacca;
for--

  "Siraj-ud-daula, being informed that there were two or
  three very charming English ladies at Dacca, was strongly
  tempted to adorn his harem with them."

Law's success in these matters is a striking instance of his
personal influence, for Siraj-ud-daula was by no means any longer
well disposed towards the French and Dutch.

  "The fear of drawing on his back all the European
  nations at once had made him politic. At first he pretended
  to be satisfied with the reply sent by the Governor
  of Chandernagore, and assured him that he would always
  treat us with the greatest kindness. He said the same to
  the Dutch, but when Calcutta was taken the mask fell. He
  had nothing more to fear. Scarcely had he arrived at Hugli
  when he sent detachments to Chandernagore and Chinsurah
  to summon the commandants to pay contributions, or to
  resolve to see their flags taken away and their forts
  demolished. In short, we were forced to yield what the
  Nawab demanded; whilst he, as he said, was content with
  having punished a nation which had offended him, and with
  having put the others to ransom to pay for the expenses of
  the expedition. We saw the tyrant reappear in triumph at
  Murshidabad, little thinking of the punishment which Providence
  was preparing for his crimes, and to make which still
  more striking, he was yet to have some further successes."

It may be here pointed out that, not only did the Nawab not insist
on the destruction of the French and Dutch fortifications, but he
did not destroy the fortifications of Calcutta. This proves that if
the English had shown the humility and readiness to contribute which
he desired, he would have left them in peace at the first, or, after
the capture of Calcutta, have permitted them to resettle there
without farther disturbance. In short, the real necessity of making
the European nations respect his authority, instead of guiding him
in a settled course, merely provided a pretext for satisfying his
greed. This is the opinion, not only of the French and English who
were at Murshidabad when the troubles began, but of the English
officials who went there later on and made careful inquiries amongst
all classes of people in order to ascertain the real reason of
Siraj-ud-daula's attack upon the English.

His avarice was to prove the Nawab's ruin.

  "Siraj-ud-daula was one of the richest Nawabs that had
  ever reigned. Without mentioning his revenues, of which
  he gave no account at the Court of Delhi, he possessed
  immense wealth, both in gold and silver coin, and in jewels
  and precious stones, which had been left by the preceding
  three Nawabs. In spite of this he thought only of increasing
  his wealth. If any extraordinary expense had to be met
  he ordered contributions, and levied them with extreme
  rigour. Having never known himself what it was to want
  money, he supposed that, in due proportion, money was as
  common with other people as with himself, and that the
  Europeans especially were inexhaustible. His violence
  towards them was partly due to this. In fact, from his
  behaviour, one would have said his object was to ruin everybody.
  He spared no one, not even his relatives, from whom
  he took all the pensions and all the offices which they
  had held in the time of Aliverdi Khan. Was it possible for
  such a man to keep his throne? Those who did not know
  him intimately, when they saw him victorious over his
  enemies and confirmed as Nawab by a _firman_[78]from the
  Great Mogul, were forced to suppose that there was in his
  character some great virtue which balanced his vices and
  counteracted their effects. However, this young giddy-pate
  had no talent for government except that of making himself
  feared, and, at the same time, passed for the most cowardly
  of men. At first he had shown some regard for the officers of
  the army, because, until he was recognized as Nawab, he felt
  his need of them. He had even shown generosity, but this
  quality, which was quite opposed to his real character, soon disappeared,
  to make place for violence and greed, which decided
  against him all those who had favoured his accession in the
  hope that he would behave discreetly when he became Nawab."

Owing to the general disgust felt at Murshidabad for the Nawab, his
cousin, Saukat Jang, Nawab of Purneah, thought the opportunity
favourable for reviving his claims, and, early in October,
Siraj-ud-daula, hearing of his contemplated rebellion, invaded his
country.

  "Every one longed for a change, and many flattered
  themselves it would take place. In fact, it was the most
  favourable opportunity to procure it. The result would have
  been happiness and tranquillity for Bengal. Whilst contributing
  to the general good--which even the Dutch might
  have interested themselves in--we could have prevented
  the misfortunes which have since happened to us. Three or
  four hundred Europeans and a few sepoys would have done
  the business. If we could have joined this force to the
  enemies of Siraj-ud-daula we should have placed on the
  throne another Nawab--not, indeed, one wholly to our taste,
  but, not to worry about trifles, one to the liking of the house
  of Jagat Seth,[79] and the chief Moors and Rajas. I am sure
  such a Nawab would have kept his throne. The English
  would have been re-established peaceably, they would certainly
  have received some compensation, and would have had
  to be satisfied whether they liked it or not. The neutrality of
  the Ganges assured, at least to the same extent as in the time
  of Aliverdi Khan, the English would have been prevented
  from invading Bengal, and from sending thither the reinforcements
  which had contributed so much to their success
  on the Madras Coast. All this depended on us, but how
  could we foresee the succession of events which has been as
  contrary to us as it has been favourable to the English? As
  it was, we remained quiet, and the rash valour of the young
  Nawab of Purneah, whilst it delivered Siraj-ud-daula from
  the only enemy he had to fear in the country, made it clear
  to the whole of Bengal that the change so much desired
  could be effected only by the English."

Mir Jafar and other leaders of the Nawab's army were about to
declare in favour of Saukat Jang when Ramnarain,[80] Naib of Patna,
arrived to support Siraj-ud-daula. Whilst the malcontents were
hesitating what to do, Saukat Jang made a rash attack on the Nawab's
army, and was shot dead in the fight.

  "Behold him then, freed by this event from all his
  inquietudes; detested, it is true, but feared even by those
  who only knew him by name. In a country where predestination
  has so much power over the mind, the star of
  Siraj-ud-daula was, people said, predominant. Nothing could
  resist him. He was himself persuaded of this. Sure of the
  good fortune which protected him, he abandoned himself
  more than ever to those passions which urged him to the
  commission of every imaginable form of violence.

  "It can be guessed what we had to suffer, we and the
  Dutch, at Cossimbazar. Demand followed demand, and insult
  followed insult, on the part of the native officers and soldiers;
  for they, forming their behaviour on that of their master,
  thought they could not sufficiently show their contempt for
  everything European. We could not go outside of our Factories
  without being exposed to annoyance of one kind or another."

Every one in the land turned wistful eyes towards the English, but
they lay inactive at Fulta, and it seemed as if help from Madras
would never come. The English, therefore, tried to bring about a
revolution favourable to themselves at Murshidabad, and began to
look for persons who might be induced to undertake it; but this was
not easy, as the Moor nobles had little acquaintance with the
Europeans. Of the Hindus in Bengal--

  "the best informed were the bankers and merchants, who
  by their commercial correspondence had been in a position
  to learn many things. The house of Jagat Seth, for instance,
  was likely to help the English all the more because to its
  knowledge of them it joined several causes of complaint
  against Siraj-ud-daula. Up to the death of Aliverdi Khan
  it had always enjoyed the greatest respect. It was this
  family which had conducted almost all his financial business,
  and it may be said that it had long been the chief cause of
  all the revolutions in Bengal. But now things were much
  changed. Siraj-ud-daula, the most inconsiderate of men,
  never supposing that he would need the assistance of mere
  bankers, or that he could ever have any reason to fear them,
  never showed them the slightest politeness. He wanted
  their wealth, and some day or other it was certain he would
  seize it. These bankers, then, were the persons to serve the
  English. They could by themselves have formed a party,
  and, even without the assistance of any Europeans, have
  put another Nawab upon the throne and re-established the
  English, but this would have required much time. Business
  moves very slowly amongst Indians, and this would not have
  suited the English. The bankers also were Hindus, and of
  a race which does not like to risk danger. To stimulate
  them to action it was necessary for the English to commence
  operations and achieve some initial successes, and as yet
  there seemed no likelihood of their doing so. To negotiate
  with Siraj-ud-daula for a peaceful re-establishment was quite
  as difficult, unless they were inclined to accept the very
  hardest conditions, for the Nawab had now the most extravagant
  contempt for all Europeans; a pair of slippers, he
  said, is all that is needed to govern them."

Just as it seemed likely that the English would have to stoop to the
Nawab's terms, they received news of the despatch of reinforcements
from Madras. About the same time, it became known to both French and
English that France and England had declared war against each other
in the preceding May.[81] The English naturally said nothing about
it, and the French were too eager to see the Nawab well beaten to
put any unnecessary obstacles in their way. The negotiations with
the friends of the Europeans at Murshidabad were quietly continued
until Admiral Watson and Colonel Clive arrived. A rapid advance was
then made on Calcutta, which was captured with hardly any
resistance.

Siraj-ud-daula was so little disturbed by the recapture of Calcutta
that the French thought everything would terminate amicably, but,
possibly owing to the reputation of Watson and Clive, who had so
long fought against the French,[82] they thought it likely that, if
the English demanded compensation for their losses, the Nawab would
allow them to recoup themselves by seizing the French Settlements.
M. Renault, therefore, wrote to Law to make sure that, in any treaty
between the Nawab and the English, an article should be inserted
providing for the neutrality of the Ganges; but the French, at
present, were needlessly alarmed. The English had no intention of
creeping quietly back into the country. Watson and Clive addressed
haughty letters to the Nawab, demanding reparation for the wrongs
inflicted on the English; and the Admiral and the Council declared
war in the name of the King and the Company. This possibly amused
the Nawab, who took no notice of their letters; but it was a
different matter when a small English force sailed up the Hugli,
passed Chandernagore unopposed by the French, captured the fort of
Hugli, burnt Hugli[83] and Bandel towns, and ravaged both banks of
the river down to Calcutta. The French were in an awkward position.
The English had passed Chandernagore without a salute, which was an
unfriendly, if not a hostile act; whilst the Nawab thought that, as
the French had not fired on them, they must be in alliance with
them. Law had to bear the brunt of this suspicion. His common sense
told him that the English would never consent to a neutrality, and
he wrote to Renault that it was absolutely necessary to join the
Moors.

  "The neutrality was by no means obligatory, as no treaty
  existed. In fact, what confidence could we have in a forced
  neutrality, which had been observed so long only out of
  fear of the Nawab, who for the general good of the country
  was unwilling to allow any act of hostility to be committed
  by the Europeans? Much more so when the English were
  at war with the Nawab himself. If they managed to get
  the better of him, what would become of this fear, the sole
  foundation of the neutrality?"

So Law wrote to Renault, begging him, if he could not persuade the
English to sign a treaty of neutrality at once, to make up his mind
and join the Nawab. We have seen why Renault could do neither, and
Law, writing after the event says, generously enough:--

  "I am bound to respect the reasons which determined
  M. Renault as well as the gentlemen of the Council, who
  were all much too good citizens not to have kept constantly
  in their minds the welfare of our nation and the Company.
  People always do see things differently, and the event does
  not always prove the correctness or incorrectness of the
  reasons which have decided us to take one or the other course."

As soon as the Nawab heard of the plundering of Hugli he set out for
Calcutta, but to blind the English he requested M. Renault to
mediate between them. The English refusal to treat through the
French had the effect of clearing up matters between the latter and
the Nawab; but he could not understand why the French would not
actively assist him. Certain, at any rate, that he had only the
English to deal with, he foolishly played into their hands by
marching to fight them on their own ground, whereas, if he had
remained idle at a little distance, merely forbidding supplies to be
sent them, he could have starved them out of Calcutta in a few
months. As I have said before, Clive attacked his camp on the 5th of
February, and so terrified him that he consented to a shameful
peace, in which he forgot all mention of the neutrality of the
Ganges. Law tells a curious story to the effect that what frightened
the Nawab most of all was a letter from Admiral Watson, threatening
to make him a prisoner and carry him to England. Watson's letter is
extant, and contains no such threat, but it is quite possible that
it was so interpreted to the Nawab.

Though the Nawab had assured the English that he would have the same
friends and enemies as they, and had omitted to mention the French
in the treaty, he now, of his own accord, gave the French all that
the English had extorted from him. This act could not be kept
secret.

  "A great fault at present, and which has always existed,
  in the management of affairs in India, especially in Bengal,
  is that nothing is secret. Scarcely had the Nawab formed
  any project when it was known to the lowest of his slaves.
  The English, who were suspicious, and who had for friends
  every one who was an enemy of Siraj-ud-daula, whom all
  detested, were soon informed of his proposals to M. Renault
  and of the letters written on both sides."

Yet Law thinks it was only the European war and the fear that
Renault intended an alliance with the Nawab that induced the English
to proceed to extremities:--

  "The dethronement of the Nawab had become an absolute
  necessity. To drive us out of Bengal was only a preliminary
  piece of work. A squadron of ours with considerable forces
  might arrive. Siraj-ud-daula might join his forces to it.
  What, then, would become of the English? They needed
  for Nawab a man attached to their interests. Besides, this
  revolution was not so difficult to carry out as one might
  imagine. With Chandernagore destroyed, nothing could be
  more easy; but even if we were left alone the revolution
  could have been effected by the junction of the English with
  the forces which would have been produced against Siraj-ud-daula
  by the crowd of enemies whom he had, and amongst
  whom were to be counted the most respectable persons in
  the three provinces.[84] This statement demands an explanation.
  I have already spoken of the house of Jagat Seth, or
  rather of its chiefs, who are named Seth Mahtab Rai and Seth
  Sarup Chand, bankers of the Mogul, the richest and most
  powerful merchants who have ever lived. They are, I can
  say, the _movers_ of the revolution. Without them the English
  would never have carried out what they have. I have
  already said they were not pleased with Siraj-ud-daula, who
  did not show them the same respect as the old Nawab
  Aliverdi Khan had done; but the arrival of the English
  forces, the capture of the Moorish forts, and the fright of
  the Nawab before Calcutta, had made a change which was
  apparently in their favour. The Nawab began to perceive
  that the bankers were necessary to him. The English
  would have no one except them as mediators, and so they
  had become, as it were, responsible for the behaviour of
  both the Nawab and the English. Accordingly after the
  Peace there was nothing but kindness and politeness from
  the Nawab towards them, and he consulted them in everything.
  At the bottom this behaviour of his was sheer
  trickery. The Seths were persuaded that the Nawab who
  hated the English must also dislike the persons whom the
  English employed. Profiting by the hatred which the
  Nawab had drawn on himself by his violence, and distributing
  money judiciously, they had long since gained over
  those who were nearest to the Nawab, whose imprudence
  always enabled them to know what he had in his heart.
  From what came to the knowledge of the Seths it was easy
  to guess what he intended, and this made them tremble, for
  it was nothing less than their destruction, which could be
  averted only by his own. The cause of the English had
  become that of the Seths; their interests were identical. Can
  one be surprised to see them acting in concert? Further,
  when one remembers that it was this same house of bankers
  that overthrew Sarfaraz Khan[85] to enthrone Aliverdi Khan,
  and who, during the reign of the latter, had the management
  of all important business, one must confess that it ought not
  to be difficult for persons of so much influence to execute a
  project in which, the English were taking a share."[86]

Law could not persuade Renault to act, and without his doing so the
game was nearly hopeless. Still, he worked at forming a French party
in the Court. By means of Coja Wajid, an Armenian merchant of
Hugli, whose property had been plundered by the English, he obtained
an interview with the Nawab, and persuaded him to send the 2000
soldiers who were with Renault at the beginning of the siege. More
would have been despatched but for the apparent certainty that the
treaty of neutrality would be signed. In fact, Renault was so
worried that, on the complaint of Watson and Clive that Law was
exciting the Nawab against the English, he wrote Law a letter which
caused the latter to ask to be recalled from Cossimbazar, and it was
only at Renault's earnest request that he consented to remain at his
post. Law continued forming his party.

  "It would appear from the English memoirs that we
  corrupted the whole _Durbar_ at Murshidabad to our side by
  presents and lies. I might with justice retort this reproach.
  As a matter of fact, except Siraj-ud-daula himself, one may
  say the English had the whole _Durbar_ always in their
  favour. Without insisting on this point, let us honestly
  agree, since the English themselves confess it, that we were,
  like them, much engaged in opposing corruption to corruption
  in order to gain the friendship of scoundrels so as to
  place ourselves on equal terms with our enemies. This has
  always happened, and ought not to cause surprise in a Court
  where right counts for nothing and, every other motive apart,
  one can never be successful except by the weight of what
  one puts in the balance of iniquity. For the rest, right
  or wrong, it is certain that the English were always in a
  position to put in more than we could.

  "Fear and greed are the two chief motives of Indian
  minds. Everything depends on one or the other. Often
  they are combined towards the same object, but, when they
  are opposed, fear always conquers. A proof of this is easily
  to be seen in all the events connected with, the revolution
  in Bengal. When, in 1756, Siraj-ud-daula determined to
  expel the English, fear and greed combined to make him
  act. As soon as he had himself proved the superiority of
  the English troops, fear took the upper hand in his mind,
  grew stronger day by day, and soon put him in a condition
  in which he was unable to follow, and often even to see, his
  true interests.

  "I mention the Nawab first. His hatred for the English
  certainly indicated friendship for us. I think so myself, but
  we have seen what was his character and his state of mind
  in general. I ask, in all good faith, whether we could expect
  any advantage from his friendship? This person, cowed by
  fear, irresolute and imprudent, could he alone be of any use
  to us? It was necessary for him to be supported by some
  one who had his confidence and was capable by his own
  firmness of fixing the irresolution of the Prince.

  "Mohan Lal, chief _Diwan_ of Siraj-ud-daula, was this
  man, the greatest scoundrel the earth has ever borne, worthy
  minister of such a master, and yet, in truth, the only person
  who was really attached to him. He had firmness and also
  sufficient judgment to understand that the ruin of Siraj-ud-daula
  must necessarily bring on his own. He was as much,
  detested as his master. The sworn enemy of the Seths, and
  capable of holding his own against them, I think those
  bankers would not have succeeded so easily in their project
  if he had been free to act, but, unfortunately for us, he had
  been for some time, and was at this most critical moment
  dangerously ill. He could not leave his house. I went to
  see him twice with Siraj-ud-daula, but it was not possible to
  get a word from him. There is strong reason to believe he
  had been poisoned. Owing to this, Siraj-ud-daula saw himself
  deprived of his only support.

  "Coja Wajid, who had introduced me to the Nawab, and
  who, it would be natural to suppose, was our patron, was a
  great merchant of Hugli. He was consulted by the Nawab
  only because, as he had frequented the Europeans and especially
  the English, the Nawab imagined he knew them perfectly.
  He was one of the most timid of men, who wanted
  to be polite to everybody, and who, had he seen the dagger
  raised, would have thought he might offend Siraj-ud-daula
  by warning him that some one intended to assassinate him.[87]
  Possibly he did not love the Seths, but he feared them,
  which was sufficient to make him useless to us.

  "Rai Durlabh Ram, the other _Diwan_ of the Nawab, was
  the man to whom I was bound to trust most. Before the
  arrival of Clive he might have been thought the enemy of
  the English. It was he who pretended to have beaten them
  and to have taken Calcutta. He wished, he said, to maintain
  his reputation; but after the affair of the 5th of February,
  in which the only part he took was to share in the flight, he
  was not the same man; he feared nothing so much as to
  have to fight the English. This fear disposed him to gradually
  come to terms with the Seths, of whose greatness he
  was very jealous. He also hated the Nawab, by whom he
  had been ill-used on many occasions. In short, I could never
  get him to say a single word in our favour in the _Durbar_.
  The fear of compromising himself made him decide to remain
  neutral for the present, though firmly resolved to join finally
  the side which appeared to him to be the strongest."

This, then, was the French party, whose sole bond was dislike to the
Seths, and the members of which, by timidity or ill-health, were
unable to act. It was different with their enemies.

  "The English had on their side in the _Durbar_ the terror
  of their arms, the faults of Siraj-ud-daula, the ruling influence
  and the refined policy of the Seths, who, to conceal their game
  more completely, and knowing that it pleased the Nawab,
  often spoke all the ill they could think of about the English,
  so as to excite him against them and at the same time gain
  his confidence. The Nawab fell readily into the snare, and
  said everything that came into his mind, thus enabling his
  enemies to guard against all the evil which otherwise he
  might have managed to do them. The English had also on
  their side all the chief officers in the Nawab's army--Jafar
  All Khan, Khodadad Khan Latty, and a number of others
  who were attached to them by their presents or the influence
  of the Seths, all the ministers of the old Court whom
  Siraj-ud-daula had disgraced, nearly all the secretaries,[88] the
  writers[89] of the _Durbar_, and even the eunuchs of the harem.
  What might they not expect to achieve by the union of all
  these forces when guided by so skilful a man as Mr. Watts?"

With such enemies to combat in the Court itself, Law heard that the
English were marching on Chandernagore. By the most painful efforts
he obtained orders for reinforcements to be sent to the French.
They--

  "were ready to start, the soldiers had been paid, the Commandant[90]
  waited only for final orders. I went to see him
  and promised him a large sum if he succeeded in raising the
  siege of Chandernagore. I also visited several of the chief
  officers, to whom I promised rewards proportionate to their
  rank. I represented to the Nawab that Chandernagore must
  be certainly captured if the reinforcements did not set out
  at once, and I tried to persuade him to give his orders to
  the Commandant in my presence. 'All is ready,' replied the
  Nawab, 'but before resorting to arms it is proper to try all
  possible means to avoid a rupture, and all the more so as the
  English have just promised to obey the orders I shall send
  them.'[91] I recognized the hand of the Seths in these details.

  They encouraged the Nawab in a false impression about this
  affair. On the one hand, they assured him that the march
  of the English, was only to frighten us into subscribing to
  a treaty of neutrality, and on the other hand they increased
  his natural timidity by exaggerating the force of the English
  and by representing the risk he ran in assisting us with
  reinforcements which would probably not prevent the capture
  of Chandernagore if the English were determined to take it,
  but would serve as a reason for the English to attack the
  Nawab himself. They managed so well that they destroyed
  in the evening all the effect I had produced in the morning.

  "I resolved to visit the bankers. They immediately
  commenced talking about our debts, and called my attention
  to the want of punctuality in our payments. I said that
  this was not the question just now, and that I came to them
  upon a much more interesting matter, which, however, concerned
  them as well as us with respect to those very debts
  for which they were asking payment and security. I asked
  why they supported the English against us. They denied it,
  and, after much explanation, they promised to make any
  suggestions I wished to the Nawab. They added that they
  were quite sure the English would not attack us, and that
  I might remain tranquil. Knowing that they were well
  acquainted with the designs of the English, I told them I
  knew as well as they did what these were, and that I saw
  no way of preventing them from attacking Chandernagore
  except by hastening the despatch of the reinforcements which
  the Nawab had promised, and that as they were disposed to
  serve me, I begged them to make the Nawab understand the
  same. They replied that the Nawab wished to avoid any
  rupture with the English, and they said many other things
  which only showed me that, in spite of their good will, they
  would do nothing for us. Ranjit Rai, who was their man
  of business as well as the agent of the English, said to me
  in a mocking tone, 'You are a Frenchman; are you afraid of
  the English? If they attack you, defend yourselves! No
  one is ignorant of what your nation has done on the Madras
  Coast, and we are curious to see how you will come off in
  this business here.' I told him I did not expect to find such
  a warlike person in a Bengali merchant, and that sometimes
  people repented of their curiosity. That was enough for such
  a fellow, but I saw clearly that the laugh would not be on
  my side. However, every one was very polite, and I left
  the house."

Law thinks the Seths honestly believed that the English march on
Chandernagore was merely intended to frighten the French, and, as a
proof of their friendliness, narrates a further incident of this
visit:--

  "The conversation having turned on Siraj-ud-daula, on
  the reasons he had given the Seths to fear him, and on his
  violent character, I said I understood clearly enough what
  they meant, and that they certainly wanted to set up another
  Nawab. The Seths, instead of denying this, contented themselves
  with saying in a low voice that this was a subject
  which should not be talked about. Omichand, the English
  agent[92] (who, by the way, cried 'Away with them!' wherever
  he went), was present. If the fact had been false, the Seths
  would certainly have denied it, and would have reproached
  me for talking in such a way. If they had even thought
  I intended to thwart them, they would also have denied
  it, but considering all that had happened, the vexations
  caused us by the Nawab and our obstinate refusals to help
  him, they imagined that we should be just as content as they
  were to see him deposed, provided only the English would
  leave us in peace. In fact, they did not as yet regard us as
  enemies."

Law was, however, ignorant that Clive had already promised, or did
so soon after, to give the property of the French Company to the
Seths in payment of the money the French owed them; but he now for
the first time fully realized the gravity of the situation. The
indiscretion of the Seths showed him the whole extent of the plot,
and the same evening he told the Nawab, but--

  "the poor young man began to laugh, not being able to
  imagine I could be so foolish as to indulge in such ideas."

And yet, whilst he refused to believe in the treason of his
officers, the Nawab indulged at times in the most violent outbreaks
of temper against them.

  "Siraj-ud-daula was not master of himself.[93] It would
  have needed as much firmness in his character as there was
  deceitfulness to make the latter quality of use to him. At
  certain times his natural disposition overmastered him,
  especially when in his harem surrounded by his wives and
  servants, when he was accustomed to say openly all that
  was in his heart. Sometimes this happened to him in full
  _Durbar_."

The same evening, also, Mr. Watts came to the _Durbar_, and the
matter of the neutrality was talked over. The Nawab wished the two
gentlemen to pledge their respective nations to keep the peace, but
Mr. Watts skilfully avoided giving any promise, and suggested the
Nawab should write to the Admiral. Law, seeing that further delay
was aimed at, exclaimed that the Admiral would pay as little respect
to this letter as to the Nawab's previous ones.

  "'How?' said the Nawab, looking angrily at me instead
  of at Mr. Watts: 'who am I then?' All the members of his
  Court cried out together that his orders would certainly be
  attended to."

As Law expected, Chandernagore was attacked before the Admiral's
reply was received. Law received the news on the 15th, and hurried
to the Nawab. Reinforcements were ordered and counter-ordered. At
midnight the Nawab's eunuch came to inform Law that the English had
been repulsed with loss, and on the morning of the 16th the Nawab's
troops were ordered to advance, but when the same day news came that
the French had withdrawn into the Fort, every one cried out that the
Fort must fall, and that it was mere folly to incense the English by
sending down troops. They were immediately recalled. Then news
arrived that the Fort was holding out, and Rai Durlabh Ram was
ordered to advance. Again there came a false report that the Fort
had fallen. Law knew Rai Durlabh was a coward, and his whole
reliance was on the second in command, Mir Madan:--

  "a capable officer, and one who would have attacked the
  enemy with pleasure."

This Mir Madan is said to have been a Hindu convert to
Muhammadanism. Native poems still tell of the gallantry with which
he commanded the Hindu soldiers of the Nawab. He was one of the
first to fall at Plassey, and though it cannot be said that his
death caused the loss of the battle, it is certain that it put an
end to all chance of the victory being contested.

Law was at his wits' end. It was no time to stick at trifles, and,
that he might know the worst at once, he intercepted Mr. Watts's
letters. From them he gathered that the English intended to march
straight upon Murshidabad. He set about fortifying the enclosure
round the French Factory, and, as he had only 10 or 12 men, he
induced the Nawab to send him a native officer with 100 musketeers.
He soon learned that the reported English advance was merely the
pursuit of the fugitives from Chandernagore, who were mentioned in
the last chapter. By the end of March he had 60 Europeans:--

  "of whom the half, in truth, were not fit to serve; but what
  did that matter? The number was worth 120 to me outside
  the fort, since rumour always delights in exaggeration."

Of the sepoys also, whom the English set free, some 30 found their
way to Law, and so far was he now from being afraid of Mr. Watts,
that it was the latter who had to ask the Nawab's protection.

The vacillation which had marked the Nawab's conduct previous to the
fall of Chandernagore still continued. He protected Law, but would
not help him with money.

  "Further, at the solicitation of my enemies, the Nawab
  sent people to pull down the earthworks I had erected. He
  even wished the native agent of the English to be present.
  In my life I have never suffered what I did that day. To
  the orders of the Nawab I replied that so long as I was in
  the Factory no foreigner should touch my fortifications, but
  that to keep my agreement with him I was ready to withdraw
  and to make over the Factory to him, with which he
  could afterwards do as he liked, and for which I should hold
  him responsible. At the same time, I made my whole troop
  arm themselves, and, having had my munitions loaded on
  carts for several days previous, I prepared to depart with
  the small amount of money which belonged to me and to
  a few other individuals. The Nawab's officer, seeing my
  resolution, and fearing to do anything which, might not be
  approved, postponed the execution of his orders, and informed
  the Nawab of what was happening. He replied that he
  absolutely forbade my leaving the Factory, and ordered the
  pioneers to be sent away; but at the same time he informed
  me that it was absolutely necessary for me to pull down the
  earthworks, that under the present circumstances he had
  himself to do many things contrary to his own wishes, that
  by refusing to obey I should draw the English upon him
  and upon us, that we could not defend ourselves and must
  therefore submit, that I should not be troubled any more,
  and that, finally, he would give me money enough to build
  in brick what I had wished to make in earth. I knew well
  the value of his promises, but I was forced to humour him.
  It did not suit me to abandon the Factory altogether, so I set
  my workmen to pull down what I had built, and the same
  night the work was finished."

The English now tried to win over the French soldiers, and had some
success, for many of them were deserters from the British forces,
and they quickly saw how precarious was the shelter which Law could
afford them; but the Nawab could not be persuaded to force Law to
surrender, and, though he agreed to leave the country, Law declared
he would not do even that unless he received passports and money. On
the 8th of April he received passports, and was promised that if he
would go to Phulbari, near Patna, he should there receive all he
wanted. He was allowed four or five days to make his preparations.

  "I profited by this interval to persuade the only man
  who dared speak for us to got to action. This was the Nazir
  Dalal, a man of no importance, but at the same time a man
  in whom the Nawab appeared to have some confidence. As
  he was constantly at the Factory, I had opportunities of telling
  him many things of particular interest to the Nawab, and I
  believed that by politeness and presents I had brought him
  over to our interests. A little later, however, I learned that
  he received quite as much from the English as from us. He
  told the Nawab all that he learned from me, _viz._ the views
  of the English and of the Seths, and the risk he himself was
  running, and he brought to his notice that the English were
  steadily increasing their garrison at Cossimbazar by bringing
  up soldiers who pretended they were deserters and wished to
  pass over to the Trench. By this trick, indeed, many soldiers
  had passed through the Moorish camp without being stopped.
  There was also talk of an English fleet preparing to come up
  and waiting only for the Nawab's permission. The Nazir
  Dalal represented to him that the trading boats might be
  loaded with ammunition, and that they ought to be strictly
  searched, and the casks and barrels opened, as guns and
  mortars might be found in them. The Nawab opened his
  eyes at information of this kind, and promptly sent the Nazir
  Dalal to tell me not to leave. This order came on the 10th
  of April. I accordingly passed my garrison in review before
  the Nawab's agent, and a statement showing the monthly
  pay of each officer and soldier was sent to the Nawab, who
  promised to pay them accordingly."

On the 12th of April Law received a sudden summons to attend the
_Durbar_ the next day.

  "After some reflection, I determined to obey. I thought
  that by taking presents I could avoid the inconveniences I
  feared, so I arranged to start early on the morning of the 13th
  with five or six persons well armed. A slight rain detained
  us till 10 o'clock. On leaving I told my people that M.
  Sinfray was their commandant, and ordered him, if I did not
  return by 2 o'clock, to send a detachment of forty men to
  meet me. We arrived at the Nawab's palace about midday.
  He had retired to his harem. We were taken into the
  Audience Hall, where they brought us a very bad dinner.
  The Nawab, they said, would soon come. However, 5 o'clock
  had struck and he had not yet dressed. During this wearisome
  interval I was visited by some of the _Diwans_, among
  others by the _Arzbegi._[94] I asked him why the Nawab had
  called me. He replied with an appearance of sincerity that
  as the Nawab was constantly receiving complaints from the
  English, about the numerous garrison we had in our Factory,
  he had judged it proper to summon both Mr. Watts and
  myself in order to reconcile us, and that he hoped to arrange
  matters so that the English should have nothing to fear from
  us nor we from them. He added that the Nawab was quite
  satisfied with my behaviour, and wished me much good. At
  last the _Durbar_ hour arrives. I am warned. I pass into a
  hall, where I find Mr. Watts and a number of _Diwans_. The
  agent of the Seths is present Compliments having passed,
  one of the _Diwans_ asks me if I have anything particular to
  say to Mr. Watts. I answer that I have not. Thereupon
  Mr. Watts addresses me in English: 'The question is, sir,
  whether you are prepared to surrender your Factory to me
  and to go down to Calcutta with all your people. You will
  be well treated, and will be granted the same conditions as
  the gentlemen of Chandernagore. This is the Nawab's wish.'
  I reply I will do nothing of the kind, that I and all those
  with me are free, that if I am forced to leave Cossimbazar
  I will surrender the Factory to the Nawab, and to no one else.
  Mr. Watts, turning round to the _Diwans_, says excitedly, that
  it is impossible to do anything with me, and repeats to them
  word for word all that has passed between us.

  "From that moment I saw clearly that the air of the
  Court was not healthy for us. It was, however, necessary to
  put a good face on matters. The _Arzbegi_ and some others,
  taking me aside, begged me to consider what I was doing in
  refusing Mr. Watts's propositions, and said that as the Nawab
  was determined to have a good understanding with the
  English, he would force me to accept them. They then
  asked what I intended to do. I said I intended to stay at
  Cossimbazar and to oppose, to the utmost of my power, the
  ambitious designs of the English. 'Well, well, what can
  you do?' they replied. 'You are about a hundred Europeans;
  the Nawab has no need of you; you will certainly be forced
  to leave this place. It would be much better to accept the
  terms offered you by Mr. Watts.' The same persons who had
  begged me to do this then took Mr. Watts aside. I do not
  know what they said to each other, but a quarter of an hour
  after they went into the hall where the Nawab was.

  "I was in the utmost impatience to know the result of
  all these parleyings, so much the more as from some words
  that had escaped them I had reason to think they intended
  to arrest me.

  "Fire or six minutes after Mr. Watts had gone to the
  Nawab, the _Arzbegi_, accompanied by some officers and the
  agents of the Seths and the English, came and told me aloud,
  in the presence of some fifty persons of rank, that the Nawab
  ordered me to submit myself entirely to what Mr. Watts
  demanded. I told him I would not, and that it was
  impossible for the Nawab to have given such an order.
  I demanded to be presented to him. 'The Nawab,' they
  said, 'does not wish to see you.' I replied, 'It was he who
  summoned me; I will not go away till I have seen him.'
  The _Arzbegi_ saw I had no intention of giving way, and that
  I was well supported, for at this very moment word was
  brought of the arrival of our grenadiers, who had been
  ordered to come and meet me. Disappointed at not seeing
  me appear, they had advanced to the very gates of the palace.
  The _Arzbegi_, not knowing what would be the result of this
  affair, and wishing to get out of the scrape and to throw the
  burden of it on to the Seths' agent, said to him, 'Do you
  speak, then; this affair concerns you more than us.' The
  Seths' agent wished to speak, but I did not give him time.
  I said I would not listen to him, that I did not recognize
  him as having any authority, and that I had no business
  at all with him. Thereupon the _Arzbegi_ went back to the
  Nawab and told him I would not listen to reason, and that
  I demanded to speak to him. 'Well, let him come,' said
  the Nawab, 'but he must come alone.' At the same time
  he asked Mr. Watts to withdraw and wait for him in a
  cabinet. The order to appear being given me, I wish to
  go--another difficulty! The officers with me do not wish to
  let me go alone! A great debate between them and the
  Nawab's officers! At last, giving way to my entreaties,
  and on my assuring them that I have no fears, I persuade
  them to be quiet and to let me go.

  "I presented myself before the Nawab, who returned my
  salute in a kindly manner. As soon as I was seated, he told
  me, in a shamefaced way, that I must either accept Mr.
  Watts's proposals, or must certainly leave his territories.
  _Your nation is the cause_, he said, _of all the importunities I
  now suffer from the English. I do not wish to put the whole country
  in trouble for your sake. You are not strong enough to defend
  yourselves; you must give way. You ought to remember that when I had
  need of your assistance you always refused it. You ought not to
  expect assistance from me now_.

  "It must be confessed that, after all our behaviour to
  him, I had not much to reply. I noticed, however, that the
  Nawab kept his eyes cast down, and that it was, as it were,
  against his will that he paid me this compliment. I told
  him I should be dishonoured if I accepted Mr. Watts's proposals,
  but that as he was absolutely determined to expel us
  from his country, I was ready to withdraw, and that as soon
  as I had the necessary passports I would go towards Patna.
  At this every one in concert, except the Nawab and Coja
  Wajid, cried out that I could not take that road, that the
  Nawab would not consent to it. I asked what road they
  wished me to take. They said I must go towards Midnapur
  or Cuttack. I answered that the English might at any
  moment march in that direction and fall upon me. They
  replied I must get out of the difficulty as best I could. The
  Nawab, meanwhile, kept his face bent down, listening
  attentively, but saying nothing. Wishing to force him to
  speak, I asked if it was his intention to cause me to fall into
  the hands of my enemies? 'No, no,' replied the Nawab,
  'take what road you please, and may God conduct you.' I
  stood up and thanked him, received the betel,[95] and went out."

Gholam Husain Khan says that the Nawab was much affected at parting
with Law, as he now believed in the truth of his warnings against
the English and the English party,--

  "but as he did not dare to keep him in his service for fear
  of offending the English, he told him that at present it was
  fit that he should depart; but that if anything new should
  happen he would send for him again. '_Send for me again?_'
  answered Law. '_Rest assured, my Lord Nawab, that this is
  the last time we shall see each other. Remember my words: we
  shall never meet again. It is nearly impossible_."

Law hurried back to his Factory, and by the evening of the 15th of
April he was ready to depart. The same day the Nawab wrote to
Clive:--

  "Mr. Law I have put out of the city, and have wrote
  expressly to my Naib[96] at Patna to turn him and his attendants
  out of the bounds of his Subaship, and that he shall not
  suffer them to stay in any place within it."[97]

At the end of April the Nawab wrote to Abdulla Khan, the Afghan
general at Delhi, that he had supplied Law with Rs.10,000. Clive was
quickly informed of this.

On the morning of the 16th the French marched through Murshidabad
with colours flying and drums beating, prepared against any surprise
in the narrow streets of the city. Mr. Watts wrote to Clive:--

  "They had 100 Europeans, 60 Tellingees, 30 _hackerys_"
  (i.e. bullock-waggons) "and 4 elephants with them."[98]

Close on their track followed two spies, sent by Mr. Watts to try
and seduce the French soldiers and sepoys. Law left a M. Bugros
behind in charge of the French Factory.

Shortly after leaving Cossimbazar, Law was reinforced by a party of
45 men, mostly sailors of the _Saint Contest_, who had managed to
escape from the English. On the 2nd of May the French arrived at
Bhagulpur, the Nawab writing to them to move on whenever he heard
they were halting, and not to go so fast when he heard they were on
the march.

  "To satisfy him we should have been always in motion
  and yet not advancing; this did not suit us. It was of the
  utmost importance to arrive at some place where I could
  find means for the equipment of my troop. We were
  destitute of everything."

These contradictory orders, and even letters of recall, reached Law
on his march, but though he sent back M. Sinfray with letters to M.
Bugros and Coja Wajid--which the latter afterwards made over to
Clive--he continued his march to Patna, where he arrived on the 3rd
of June, and was well received by Raja Ramnarain, and where he was
within four or five days' march or sail from Sooty, the mouth of the
Murshidabad or Cossimbazar river, and therefore in a position to
join the Nawab whenever it might be necessary.

In the mean time fate had avenged Law on one of his lesser enemies.
This was that Ranjit Rai, who had insulted him during his interview
with the Seths. The latter had pursued their old policy of inciting
the English to make extravagant demands which they at the same time
urged the Nawab to refuse. To justify one such demand, the English
produced a letter in the handwriting of Ranjit Rai, purporting to be
written at the dictation of the Seths under instructions from the
Nawab. The latter denied the instructions, and the Seths promptly
asserted that the whole letter was a forgery of their agent's.

  "The notorious Ranjit Rai was driven in disgrace from
  the _Durbar_, banished, and assassinated on the road. It was
  said he had received 2 lakhs from the English to apply his
  masters' seal unknown to them. I can hardly believe this.
  This agent was attached to the English only because he knew
  the Seths were devoted to them."

This incident warned the Seths to be more cautious, but still the
plot against the Nawab was well known in the country. Renault, who
had been at this time a prisoner in Calcutta, says:--

  "Never was a conspiracy conducted as publicly and with
  such indiscretion as this was, both by the Moors and the
  English. Nothing else was talked about in all the English
  settlements, and whilst every place echoed with the noise of
  it, the Nawab, who had a number of spies, was ignorant of
  everything. Nothing can prove more clearly the general
  hatred which was felt towards him."[99]

M. Sinfray had returned to Murshidabad, but could not obtain an
interview with the Nawab till the 8th of June, when he found him
still absolutely tranquil; and even on the 10th the Nawab wrote to
Law to have no fears on his account; but this letter did not reach
Law till the 19th.

  "I complained of the delay in the strongest terms to
  Ramnarain, who received the packets from the Nawab, but it
  was quite useless. The Nawab was betrayed by those whom
  he thought most attached to him. The Faujdar of Rajmehal
  used to stop all his messengers and detain them as long as
  he thought fit."

This officer was a brother of Mir Jafar.[100] The Seths and the
English had long found the chief difficulty in their way to be the
choice of a man of sufficient distinction to replace Siraj-ud-daula
on the throne. At this moment the Nawab himself gave them as a
leader Mir Jafar Ali Khan, who had married the sister of Aliverdi
Khan, and was therefore a relative of his. Mir Jafar was _Bukshi_,
or Paymaster and Generalissimo of the Army, and his influence had
greatly contributed to Siraj-ud-daula's peaceful accession. He was a
man of good reputation, and a brave and skilful soldier. It was such
a person as this that the Nawab, after a long course of petty
insults, saw fit to abuse in the vilest terms in full _Durbar_ and
to dismiss summarily from his post. He now listened to the
proposals of the Seths, and towards the end of April terms were
settled between him and the English.[101] The actual conclusion of
the Treaty took place early in June, and on the 13th of that month
Mr. Watts and the other English gentlemen at Cossimbazar escaped
under the pretence of a hunting expedition and joined Clive in
safety. As soon as he heard of this, the Nawab knew that war was
inevitable, and it had come at a moment when he had disbanded half
his army unpaid, and the other half was grumbling for arrears. Not
only had he insulted Mir Jafar, but he had also managed to quarrel
with Rai Durlabh. Instead of trying to postpone the conflict until
he had crushed these two dangerous enemies, he begged them to be
reconciled to him, and put himself in their hands. Letter after
letter was sent to recall Law, but even the first, despatched on the
13th, did not reach Law till the 22nd, owing to the treachery of the
Faujdar of Rajmehal. Law's letter entreating the Nawab to await his
arrival certainly never reached him, and though Law had started at
the first rumour of danger, before getting the Nawab's letter, he
did not reach Rajmehal till the 1st of July. The Nawab had been
captured in the neighbourhood a few hours before the arrival of his
advance-guard. Gholam Husain Khan says that Law would have been in
time had the Nawab's last remittance been a bill of exchange and not
an order on the Treasury, for--

  "as slowness of motion seems to be of etiquette with the
  people of Hindustan, the disbursing of the money took up
  so much time that when M. Law was come down as far
  Rajmehal, he found that all was over."

Law, who was nothing if not philosophical, remarked on this
disappointment:--

  "In saving Siraj-ud-daula we should have scored a great
  success, but possibly he would have been saved for a short
  time only. He would have found enemies and traitors
  wherever he might have presented himself in the countries
  supposed to be subject to him. No one would have acknowledged
  him. Forced by Mir Jafar and the English to flee to
  a foreign country, he would have been a burden to us rather
  than an assistance.

  "In India no one knows what it is to stand by an
  unfortunate man. The first idea which suggests itself is to
  plunder him of the little[102] which remains to him. Besides,
  a character like that of Siraj-ud-daula could nowhere find a
  real friend."

Siraj-ud-daula, defeated by Clive at Plassey on the 23rd of June,
was, says Scrafton,--

  "himself one of the first that carried the news of his defeat
  to the capital, which he reached that night."

His wisest councillors urged him to surrender to Clive, but he
thought this advice treacherous, and determined to flee towards
Rajmehal. When nearly there he was recognized by a Fakir,[103] whose
ears he had, some time before, ordered to be cut off. The Fakir
informed the Faujdar, who seized him and sent him to Murshidabad,
where Miran, Mir Jafar's son, put him to death on the 4th of July.

It was necessary for Law to withdraw as quickly as possible if he
was to preserve his liberty. Clive and Mir Jafar wrote urgent
letters to Ramnarain at Patna to stop him, but Ramnarain was no
lover of Mir Jafar, and he was not yet acquainted with Clive, so he
allowed him to pass. Law says:--

  "On the 16th of July we arrived at Dinapur, eight miles
  above Patna, where I soon saw we had no time to lose.
  The Raja of Patna himself would not have troubled us much.
  By means of our boats we could have avoided him as we
  pleased, for though our fleet was in a very bad condition,
  still it could have held its own against the naval forces
  of Bengal, i.e. the Indian forces, but the English were advancing,
  commanded by Major Coote. As the English call
  themselves the masters of the aquatic element, it became us
  the less to wait for them, when we knew they had stronger
  and more numerous boats than we had. Possibly we could
  have outsailed them, but we did not wish to give them the
  pleasure of seeing us flee. On the 18th instant an order
  from the Raja instructed me in the name of Mir Jafar to
  halt--no doubt to wait for the English--whilst another on his
  own part advised me to hurry off. Some small detachments
  of horsemen appeared along the bank, apparently to hinder
  us from getting provisions or to lay violent hands on the
  boatmen. On this we set sail, resolved to quit all the
  dependencies of Bengal. In spite of ourselves we had to
  halt at Chupra, twenty-two miles higher up, because our
  rowers refused to go further: prayers and threats all seemed
  useless. I thought the English had found some means to
  gain them over. The boats did not belong to us, but we
  should have had little scruple in seizing them had our
  Europeans known how to manage them. Unfortunately,
  they knew nothing about it. The boats in Bengal have no
  keel, and consequently do not carry sail well. So we lost
  two days in discussion with the boatmen, but at last, by
  doubling their pay, terms were made, and five days after, on
  the 25th of July, we arrived at Ghazipur, the first place of
  importance in the provinces of Suja-ud-daula, Viceroy of the
  Subahs of Oudh, Lucknow, and Allahabad."

Before Law left Rajmehal on his return to Patna, the Faujdar tried
to stop him on pretence that Mir Jafar wished to reconcile him to
the English. Law thought this unlikely, yet knowing the native
proclivity for underhand intrigue, he wrote him a letter, but the
answer which he received at Chupra was merely an order to
surrender. Law says:--

  "I had an idea that he might write to me in a quite
  different style, _unknown to the English_. I knew the new
  Nawab, whom I met at the time I was soliciting reinforcements
  to raise the siege of Chandernagore. He had not then
  taken up the idea of making himself Nawab. He appeared
  to me a very intelligent man, and much inclined to do us
  service, pitying us greatly for having to work with a man so
  cowardly and undecided as Siraj-ud-daula."

Law thought his communication--

  "was well calculated to excite in his mind sentiments
  favourable to us, but if it did, Mir Jafar let none of them
  appear. The Revolution was too recent and the influence of
  the English too great for him to risk the least correspondence
  with us."

From Clive, on the other hand, he received a letter,--

  "such as became a general who, though an enemy, interested
  himself in our fate out of humanity, knowing by his own
  experience into what perils and fatigues we were going to
  throw ourselves when we left the European Settlements."

This letter, dated Murshidabad, July 9th, was as follows:--

  "As the country people are now all become your enemies,
  and orders are gone everywhere to intercept your passage,
  and I myself have sent parties in quest of you, and orders
  are gone to Ramnarain, the Naib of Patna, to seize you if
  you pursue that road, you must be sensible if you fall into
  their hands you cannot expect to find them a generous
  enemy. If, therefore, you have any regard for the men
  under your command, I would recommend you to treat with
  us, from whom you may expect the most favourable terms in
  my power to grant."[104]

Law does not say much about the hardships of his flight; but Eyre
Coote, who commanded the detachment which followed him, had the
utmost difficulty in persuading his men to advance, and wrote to
Clive that he had never known soldiers exposed to greater hardships.
At Patna Eyre Coote seized the French Factory, where the Chief, M.
de la Bretesche, was lying ill. The military and other Company's
servants had gone on with Law, leaving in charge a person variously
called M. Innocent and Innocent Jesus. He was not a Frenchman, but
nevertheless he was sent down to Calcutta. From Patna Eyre Coote got
as far as Chupra, only to find Law safe beyond the frontier at
Ghazipur, and nothing left for him to do but to return.

From now on to January, 1761, Law was out of the reach of the
English, living precariously on supplies sent from Bussy in the
south, from his wife at Chinsurah, and from a secret store which M.
de la Bretesche had established at Patna unknown to the English, and
upon loans raised from wealthy natives, such as the Raja of
Bettiah. He believed all along that the French would soon make an
effort to invade Bengal, where there was a large native party in
their favour, and where he could assist them by creating a diversion
in the north. I shall touch on his adventures very briefly.

His first halt was at Benares, which he reached on the 2nd of
August, and where the Raja Bulwant Singh tried to wheedle and
frighten him into surrendering his guns. He escaped out of his hands
by sheer bluff, and went on to Chunargarh, where he received letters
from Suja-ud-daula, Nawab of Oudh, a friend of Siraj-ud-daula's,
whom he hoped to persuade into invading Bengal. On the 3rd of
September he reached Allahabad, and here left his troop under the
command of M. le Comte de Carryon, whilst he went on to Lucknow, the
capital of Oudh.

It is only at this moment that Law bethinks him of describing his
troop. It consisted of 175 Europeans and 100 sepoys drilled in
European fashion. The officers were D'Hurvilliers, le Comte de
Carryon (who had brought a detachment from Dacca before Law left
Cossimbazar), Ensign Brayer (who had commanded the military at
Patna), Ensign Jobard (who had escaped from Chandernagore), and
Ensign Martin de la Case. He also entertained as officers MM.
Debelleme (Captain of a French East Indiaman), Boissemont, and La
Ville Martere, Company's servants (these three had all escaped from
Chandernagore), Dangereux and Dubois (Company's servants stationed
at Cossimbazar), Beinges (a Company's servant stationed at Patna),
and two private gentlemen, Kerdizien and Gourbin. Besides these, MM.
Anquetil du Perron,[105] La Rue, Desjoux, Villequain, Desbrosses,
and Calve, served as volunteers. His chaplain was the Reverend
Father Onofre, and he had two surgeons, Dubois and Le Page. The last
two were probably the surgeons of Cossimbazar and Patna. He had also
with him M. Lenoir, second of Patna, whose acquaintance with the
language and the people was invaluable. Law seems to have been
always able to recruit his sepoys, but he had no great opinion of
them.

  "In fact it may be said that the sepoy is a singular
  animal, especially until he has had time to acquire a
  proper sense of discipline. As soon as he has received his
  red jacket and his gun he thinks he is a different man. He
  looks upon himself as a European, and having a very high
  estimation of this qualification, he thinks he has the right to
  despise all the country people, whom he treats as Kaffirs
  and wretched negroes, though he is often just as black as they
  are. In every place I have been I have remarked that the
  inhabitants have less fear of the European soldier, who in
  his disorderly behaviour sometimes shows an amount of
  generosity which they would expect in vain from a sepoy."

Law has left the following description of Lucknow:--

  "Lucknow, capital of the Subah[106] so called, is 160 miles
  north of Allahabad, on the other side of the Ganges, and
  about 44 miles from that river. The country is beautiful
  and of great fertility, but what can one expect from the best
  land without cultivation? It was particularly the fate of
  this province and of a large portion of Oudh to have been
  exhausted by the wars of Mansur Ali Khan.[107] That prince
  at his death left the Treasury empty and a quantity of
  debts. Suja-ud-daula, his successor, thought he could
  satisfy his creditors, all of them officers of the army, by
  giving them orders upon several of the large estates. This
  method was too slow for these military gentlemen. In a
  short time every officer had become the Farmer,[108] or rather the
  Tyrant, of the villages abandoned to him. Forcible executions
  quickly reimbursed him to an extent greater than his claim,
  but the country suffered. The ill-used inhabitants left it,
  and the land remained uncultivated. This might have
  been repaired. The good order established by Suja-ud-daula
  commenced to bring the inhabitants back when an
  evil, against which human prudence was powerless, achieved
  their total destruction. For two whole years clouds of
  locusts traversed the country regularly with the Monsoon,[109]
  and reduced the hopes of the cultivator to nothing. When
  two days from Lucknow, we ourselves saw the ravages committed
  by this insect. It was perfect weather; suddenly we
  saw the sky overcast; a darkness like that of a total eclipse
  spread itself abroad and lasted a good hour. In less than no
  time we saw the trees under which we were camped stripped
  of their leaves. The next day as we journeyed we saw that
  the same devastation had been produced for a distance of ten
  miles. The grass on the roads and every green thing in the
  fields were eaten away down to the roots. This recurrent
  plague had driven away the inhabitants, even those who had
  survived the exactions of the military. Towns and villages
  were abandoned; the small number of people who remained--I
  am speaking without exaggeration--only served to
  augment the horror of this solitude. We saw nothing but
  spectres.

  "The state of the people of Lucknow city, the residence
  of the Nawab, was hardly better. The evil was perhaps less
  evident owing to the variety of objects, but from what one
  could see from time to time nature did not suffer less. The
  environs of the palace were covered with poor sick people
  lying in the middle of the roads, so that it was impossible
  for the Nawab to go out without causing his elephant to
  tread on the bodies of several of them, except when he had
  the patience to wait and have them cleared out of the way--an
  act which would not accord with Oriental ideas of
  grandeur. In spite of this there were few accidents. The
  animal used to guide its footsteps so as to show it was
  more friendly to human beings than men themselves
  were."

At Lucknow Suja-ud-daula greeted him with a sympathetic interest,
which Law quaintly likens to that shown by Dido for Aeneas, but
money was not forthcoming, and Law soon found that Suja-ud-daula was
not on sufficiently good terms with the Mogul's[110] Vizir[111] at
Delhi to risk an attack on Bengal. On the 18th of October he
returned to Allahabad, with the intention of going to Delhi to see
what he could do with the Vizir, but as it might have been dangerous
to disclose his object, he pretended he was going to march south to
Bussy in the Deccan, and obtained a passport from the Maratha
general, Holkar. This took some time, and it was not till March,
1758, that he started for Delhi. He reached Farukhabad without
difficulty, and on the 21st entered the country of the Jats. On the
evening of the 23rd a barber, who came into their camp, warned the
French they would be attacked. The next day the Jats, to the number
of 20,000, attacked them on the march. The fight lasted the whole
day, and the French fired 6000 musket shots and 800 cannon. The
cannon-balls were made of clay moulded round a pebble, and were
found sufficiently effective in the level country.

Soon after they arrived at Delhi, only to find the Marathas masters
of the situation and in actual possession of the person of the
Shahzada, or Crown Prince.[112] The Prince was friendly, gave Law
money, and eagerly welcomed the idea of attacking Bengal, but he was
himself practically a prisoner. The Vizir, too, could do nothing,
and would give no money. The Marathas amused him with promises, and
tried to trap him into fighting their battles. No one seemed to know
anything about what had happened in Bengal. He spoke to several of
the chief men about the English.

  "I felt sure that, after the Revolution in Bengal, they
  would be the only subject of conversation in the capital. The
  Revolution had made much noise, but it was ascribed entirely
  to the Seths and to Rai Durlabh Ram. Clive's name was
  well known. He was, they said, a great captain whom the
  Seths had brought from very far at a great expense, to
  deliver Bengal from the tyranny of Siraj-ud-daula, as Salabat
  Jang had engaged M. Bussy to keep the Marathas in
  order. Many of the principal persons even asked me what
  country he came from. Others, mixing up all Europeans
  together, thought that I was a deputy from Clive. It was
  useless for me to say we were enemies, that it was the
  English who had done everything in Bengal, that it was
  they who governed and not Jafar Ali Khan, who was only
  Nawab in name. No one would believe me. In fact, how
  could one persuade people who had never seen a race of
  men different from their own, that a body of two or three
  thousand Europeans at the most was able to dictate the law
  in a country as large as Bengal?"

Law could do nothing at Delhi, and it was only by bribing the
Maratha general that he obtained an escort through the Jat country
to Agra. Most of his soldiers were glad to be off, but about 60
Europeans deserted with their arms to Delhi, where the Vizir offered
them pay as high as 50 rupees a month. M. Jobard was nearly killed
by some of them when he tried to persuade them to return to duty,
but, a few months after, more than half rejoined Law.

From Agra, Law went to Chatrapur in Bundelkand, where apparently,
though he does not say so, he was in the service of the Raja
Indrapat. His stay lasted from the 10th of June, 1758, to February,
1759. In order to keep on good terms with the inhabitants, who were
almost all Hindus, Law forbade his men to kill cattle or any of the
sacred birds, or to borrow anything without his permission, and at
the same time severely punished all disorderly behaviour. The people
having never heard of Christians, thought the French must be a kind
of Muhammadans, but they could not make out from what country they
came. Seeing them drink a red wine of which they had a few bottles,
they thought they were drinking blood, and were horrified, but the
good behaviour of the men soon put them on friendly terms.

Early in 1759 the Shahzada at last invaded Bengal, and on the 5th
of February Law marched to join him; but the invasion was badly
managed, and was an absolute failure. On the 28th of May Law was
back at Chatrapur. The only result of the invasion was that the
lands of a number of Rajas in Bihar were plundered by Miran, son of
Mir Jafar, and the English. These Rajas were all Hindus.

  "They had an understanding with Ramnarain. All these
  Rajas, of whom there is a great number in the dependencies
  of Bengal, united to each other by the same religion, mutually
  support each other as much as they can. They detest the
  Muhammadan Government, and if it had not been for the
  Seths, the famous bankers, with whom they have close
  connections, it is probable that after the Revolution in which
  Siraj-ud-daula was the victim, they would all have risen
  together to establish a Hindu Government, from which the
  English would not have obtained all the advantages they
  did from the Muhammadan."

In 1759 the Dutch risked a quarrel with the English. They refused,
however, any assistance from Law, who, far away as he was, heard all
about it. They were defeated at Biderra on the 25th of November. The
effect of this was to reduce Bengal to such tranquillity that Clive
considered it safe to visit England. The Shahzada, however, thought
the opportunity a favourable one for another invasion, and on the
28th of February, 1760, Law again started to join him. Patna was
besieged, and, according to Broome, was very nearly captured, owing
to Law's skill and the courage of his Frenchmen. In fact, the French
were on the ramparts, when Dr. Fullerton and the English sepoys
arrived just in time to drive them back.[113]

The siege was raised, and the Prince's general, Kamgar Khan, led the
army about the country with apparently no object but that of
plunder. This suited the Marathas, but did not suit Law. On one
occasion he was ordered with his own troops and a body of Marathas
to capture the little fort of Soupy. The French stormed it at three
o'clock in the morning, but found that the Marathas, who had
carefully avoided the breach, had swarmed the walls, where there was
no one to oppose them, and were carrying off the plunder.

  "My chief occupation and that of the officers, for more
  than five hours during which we stayed in Soupy, was to
  keep our soldiers and sepoys from bayoneting the Marathas,
  who, without having incurred the least danger, had, by their
  cleverness and lightness, carried off more than twenty times
  as much as our own men, observing among themselves a
  kind of order in their plundering, very like that of monkeys
  when they strip a field."

In fact, Law had a personal altercation with the Maratha commander
about a young and beautiful Hindu woman, whom the Maratha wished to
seize, but whom Law was determined to restore unhurt to her
relations, who lived in a village close by.

For the capture of the fort, Law received from the Shahzada various
high-sounding titles and the right to have the royal music played
before him; but as he could not afford to entertain the native
musicians, he allowed the privilege to sleep.

In 1760 Mr. Vansittart assumed the Governorship of Bengal, and his
first act was to complete the project begun by his predecessor, Mr.
Holwell, namely, the dethronement of Mir Jafar. This was effected on
the 20th of October, 1760; the ex-Nawab went quietly to Calcutta,
and Mir Kasim reigned in his stead. The Shahzada had now become
Emperor by the death of his father, and had assumed the title of
Shah Alam. He was still hanging with his army round Patna, and Mir
Kasim and the English determined to bring him to book. Kamgar Khan
continued to lead the Imperial army aimlessly about the country, and
in January, 1761, found himself near the town of Bihar. He had 35 to
40 thousand cavalry, maintained chiefly by plunder, but his only
musketeers and artillery were those commanded by Law, i.e. 125
Europeans and 200 sepoys, with 18 guns of small calibre. The
British commander, Major Carnac, had 650 Europeans and 5 to 6
thousand sepoys, with 12 guns. Mir Kasim had some 20,000 cavalry,
and the same number of musketeers, all good troops, for "everybody
was paid in the army of Kasim Ali Khan."[114]

On the 14th of January, scouts brought word of the approach of the
English. The Emperor consulted Law, who advised a retreat, but he
was not deficient in courage, and determined to fight. The next day
was fought the battle of Suan.[115]

  "At the dawn of day we heard that the enemy were on
  the march, and that they would quickly appear. No disposition
  of our army had yet been made by Kamgar Khan,
  who, in fact, troubled himself very little about the matter.
  It was at first decided to re-enter the camp, so I put my
  men as much as possible under shelter behind a bank, along
  which I placed my guns in what I thought the most useful
  positions. About 6 or 7 o'clock the enemy were seen
  advancing in good order, crossing a canal[116] full of mud and
  water, the passage of which might have been easily contested
  had we been ready soon enough; but everything was neglected.
  For some time we thought the enemy were going
  to encamp by the canal, but, seeing that they were still
  advancing, the order was given to go and meet them. The
  whole army was quickly out of the camp, divided into
  several bodies of cavalry, at the head of which were, on their
  elephants, the Emperor, the Generalissimo Kamgar Khan,
  and other principal chiefs. Scarcely were we out of the camp
  when we were halted to await the enemy, everything in the
  greatest confusion; one could see no distinction between
  right, left, and centre, nothing that had the appearance of
  an army intending to attack or even to defend itself.

  "An aide-de-camp brought me an order to march ahead
  with all my troop, and to place myself in a position which
  he pointed out, a good cannon-shot away. Abandoned to
  ourselves we should have been exposed to all the fire of the
  English, artillery and even to be outflanked by the enemy
  and captured at the first attack. We advanced a few paces
  in obedience to the order, but, seeing no one move to support
  us, I suspected they wanted to get rid of us. I therefore
  brought back my men to where I had first placed them, on
  a line about 200 paces in front of the army.

  "The enemy advanced steadily. The English at their
  head with all their artillery were already within range of
  our guns. They quickly placed their pieces in two batteries
  to the right and left, and kept up a very lively cross fire.
  In a very short time, having killed many men, elephants,
  and horses--amongst others one of mine--they caused the
  whole of the Prince's army to turn tail. Kamgar Khan, at
  their head, fled as fast as he could, without leaving a single
  person to support us. The enemy's fire, opposed to which
  ours was but feeble, continued steadily. We were forced to
  retire, and did so in good order, having had some soldiers
  and sepoys killed and one gun dismounted, which we left on
  the field of battle. We regained the village, which sheltered
  us for a time. The enemy started in pursuit. Unluckily,
  as we issued from the village, our guns traversing a hollow
  road, we were stopped by ditches and channels full of mud,
  in which the guns stuck fast. As I was trying to disengage
  them the English reached us, and surrounded us so as to
  cut off all retreat. Then I surrendered with 3 or 4 officers
  and about 40 soldiers who were with me, and the guns. It
  was about 4 o'clock in the afternoon of the 15th of January,
  1761, a moment whose malign influence it was as it were
  impossible to resist, since it was that of the surrender of
  Pondicherry,[117] a place 300 leagues away from us."

Gholam Husain Khan has left a graphic description of this incident.

  "Monsieur Law, with the small force and the artillery
  which he could muster, bravely fought the English themselves,
  and for some time he made a shift to withstand their
  superiority. Their auxiliaries consisted of large bodies of
  natives, commanded by Ramnarain and Raj Balav, but the
  engagement was decided by the English, who fell with so
  much effect upon the enemy that their onset could not be
  withstood by either the Emperor or Kamgar Khan. The
  latter, finding he could not resist, turned about and fled.
  The Emperor, obliged to follow him, quitted the field of
  battle, and the handful of troops that followed M. Law,
  discouraged by this flight and tired of the wandering life
  which they had hitherto led in his service, turned about
  likewise and followed the Emperor. M. Law, finding himself
  abandoned and alone, resolved not to turn his back. He
  bestrode one of his guns and remained firm in that posture,
  waiting the moment for his death. This being reported to
  Major Carnac, he detached himself from his main body with
  Captain Knox and some other officers, and he advanced to
  the man on the gun, without taking with him either a guard
  or any Telingas[118] at all. Being arrived near, this troop
  alighted from their horses, and, pulling their caps from their
  heads, they swept the air with them, as if to make him a
  _salam_; and this salute being returned by M. Law in the
  same manner, some parley followed in their own language.
  The Major, after paying high encomiums to M. Law for his
  perseverance, conduct, and bravery, added these words: 'You
  have done everything that could be expected from a brave
  man; and your name shall be undoubtedly transmitted to
  posterity by the pen of history; now loosen your sword from
  your loins, come amongst us, and abandon all thoughts of
  contending with the English.' The other answered that, if
  they would accept of his surrendering himself just as he was
  he had no objection, but that as to surrendering himself with
  the disgrace of being without his sword, it was a shame he
  would never submit to, and that they might take his life if
  they were not satisfied with that condition. The English
  commanders, admiring his firmness, consented to his surrendering
  himself in the manner he wished; after which
  the Major, with his officers, shook hands with him in their
  European manner, and every sentiment of enmity was instantly
  dismissed on both sides. At the same time that
  commander sent for his own _palky_, made him sit in it, and
  he was sent to the camp. M. Law, unwilling to see or to be
  seen, in that condition, shut up the curtains of the _palky_ for
  fear of being recognized by any of his friends at camp, but
  yet some of his acquaintances, hearing of his having arrived,
  went to him; these were Mir Abdulla and Mustapha Ali
  Khan. The Major, who had excused him from appearing in
  public, informed them that they could not see him for some
  days, as he was too much vexed to receive any company.
  Ahmed Khan Koreishi, who was an impertinent talker,
  having come to look at him, thought to pay his court to
  the English by joking on this man's defeat--a behaviour that
  has nothing strange [in it] if we consider the times in which
  we live and the company he was accustomed to frequent; and
  it was in that notion of his, doubtless, that with much pertness
  of voice and air he asked him this question: '_And Bibi
  Lass,[119] where is she_?' The Major and the officers present,
  shocked at the impropriety of the question, reprimanded him
  with a severe look and very severe expressions. 'This man,'
  they said, 'has fought bravely, and deserves the attention
  of all brave men; the impertinences which you have been
  offering him may be customary amongst your friends and
  your nation, but cannot be suffered in ours, who has it for
  a standing rule never to offer an injury to a vanquished foe.'
  Ahmed Khan, checked by this reprimand, held his tongue,
  and did not answer a word. He tarried about one hour
  more in his visit, and then went away much abashed; and
  although he was a commander of importance, and one to
  whom much honour had always been paid, no one did speak
  to him any more, or made a show of standing up at his
  departure. This reprimand did much honour to the English;
  and it must be acknowledged, to the honour of those
  strangers, that as their conduct in war and battle is worthy
  of admiration, so, on the other hand, nothing is more modest
  and more becoming than their behaviour to an enemy,
  whether in the heat of action or in the pride of success and
  victory. These people seem to act entirely according to the
  rules observed by our ancient commanders and our men of
  genius."

Gholam Husain Khan says the victory was decided by the English; the
following quotation from Major Carnac's Letter to the Select
Committee at Calcutta, dated the 17th of January, 1761, shows how
the courage of the British forces saved them from a great disaster.

  "It gives me particular pleasure to inform you that we
  have not lost a man in the action, but a few of the Nawab's
  troops who had got up near our rear suffered considerably
  from the explosion of one of the French tumbrils. It seems
  the enemy had lain a train to it in hopes of it's catching
  while our Europeans were storming the battery, but fortunately
  we were advanced two or three hundred yards in
  the pursuit before it had effect, and the whole shock was
  sustained by the foremost of the Nawab's troops who were
  blown up to the number of near four hundred, whereof
  seventy or eighty died on the spot."[120]

Law continues:--

  "The next morning, as the English army started in
  pursuit of the Emperor Shah Alam, Major Carnac, from
  whom, I must mention in passing, I received all possible
  marks of attention and politeness, sent me to Patna, where
  in the English Chief, Mr. McGwire, I found an old friend,
  who treated me as I should certainly have treated him in
  like circumstances. I was in need of everything, and he let
  me want for nothing."

Thus ended Law's attempt to maintain the French party in Bengal. All
hopes of a French attack in force on Calcutta had long since
disappeared, and, under the circumstances, his capture was fortunate
for himself and his comrades. Most of the latter were gradually
picked up by the English. Law was sent to Calcutta, and left Bengal
in 1762. He was now only forty-two years of age. On his arrival in
France he found his services much appreciated by his countrymen, and
was made a Chevalier of the Royal and Military Order of St. Louis,
and a Colonel of Infantry. Later on he was appointed Commissary for
the King, Commandant of the French Nation in the East Indies, and
Governor of Pondicherry. Law's account of his adventures was
commenced at Paris in 1763.[121] There exist letters written by him
to the historian Robert Orme, dated as late as 1785, which show the
strong interest he always retained in the affairs of Bengal, where
with adequate resources he might have played a much more
distinguished part.

We have seen a town besieged by a foreign army; we have seen the
Court of a great Prince distracted by internal dissensions and
trembling at the approach of a too-powerful enemy, and now we shall
pass to the quiet retreats of rural Bengal, which even their
remoteness could not save from some share in the troubles of the
time. In those days, even more than at present, the rivers were the
great highways of the country, but it needs personal acquaintance
with them to enable us to realize the effect they produce upon the
mind of a European. As a rule comparatively shallow, in the dry
weather they pursue a narrow winding course in the middle of a sandy
waste, but in the Rains they fill their beds from side to side,
overtop the banks, and make the country for miles around a series of
great lakes, studded with heavily wooded islands. Amidst these one
can wander for days hardly seeing a single human being, and hearing
nothing but the rushing of the current and the weird cries of
water-birds; at other times the prow of one's boat will suddenly
push itself through overhanging branches into the very midst of a
populous village. At first all is strange and beautiful, but after a
short time the feeling grows that every scene is a repetition; the
banks, the trees, the villages, seem as if we have been looking at
them for a thousand years, and the monotony presses wearily on mind
and heart. It was in a country of this kind that Courtin and his
little band of Frenchmen and natives evaded capture for nearly nine
months, and it adds to our admiration for his character to see how
his French gaiety of heart unites with his tenderness for his absent
wife, not only to conceal the deadly monotony of his life in the
river districts during the Rains, and the depressing and
disheartening effect of the noxious climate in which he and his
companions had to dwell, but also to make light of the imminent
danger in which he stood from the unscrupulous human enemies by whom
he was surrounded.


FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 65: From certain letters it appears that, strictly
speaking, the English Factory alone was at Cossimbazar, the French
being at Saidabad, and the Dutch at Calcapur. Both Saidabad and
Calcapur were evidently close to Cossimbazar, if not parts of it.]

[Footnote 66: George Lodewijk Vernet, Senior Merchant.]

[Footnote 67: The historian Malleson also confuses the two
brothers.]

[Footnote 68: The best copy I have seen is that in the Manuscript
Department of the British Museum.]

[Footnote 69: Gholam Husain Khan says that Siraj-ud-daula was born
in the year in which Aliverdi Khan obtained from the Emperor the
_firman_ for Bihar. This, according to Scrafton, was 1736, and the
connection of his birth with this auspicious event was the prime
cause of his grandfather's great reference for him.]

[Footnote 70: See note, p. 88.]

[Footnote 71: Uncle of Siraj-ud-daula, who died so shortly before
the death of Aliverdi Khan, that it was supposed he was poisoned to
ensure Siraj-ud-daula's accession.]

[Footnote 72: Fazl-Kuli-Khan. _Scrafton_.]

[Footnote 73: Law says; "The rumour ran that M. Drake replied to the
messengers that, since the Nawab wished to fill up the Ditch, he
agreed to it provided it was done with the heads of Moors. I do not
believe he said so, but possibly some thoughtless young Englishman
let slip those words, which, being heard by the messengers, were
reported to the Nawab."]

[Footnote 74: Europeans. Properly, Franks or Frenchmen. This term
was generally applied by Europeans to the half-caste descendants of
the Portuguese.]

[Footnote 75: Captains or generals: a term of somewhat indefinite
meaning.]

[Footnote 76: In alliance with Salabat Jang, Bussy temporarily
acquired a large territory for the French.]

[Footnote 77: "After Mr. Law had given us a supply of clothes,
linen, provisions, liquors, and cash, we left his Factory with
grateful hearts and compliments." _Holwell_. Letter to Mr. Davis,
February 28, 1757.]

[Footnote 78: Imperial Charter.]

[Footnote 79: For an explanation of the influence of the Seths, see
pp. 84, 85, and note.]

[Footnote 80: Ramnarain is an interesting character. He appears to
have been one of the most faithful of the adherents of the house of
Aliverdi Khan and on its extinction of the English connection. His
gallantry in battle is referred to by Colonel Ironside. _Asiatic
Annual Register_, 1800.]

[Footnote 81: The official intimation reached Admiral Watson in
January, 1757, but apparently not the formal orders from the
Admiralty. See page 30.]

[Footnote 82: In a letter to the Secret Committee, London, dated
October 11, 1756, Clive writes: "I hope we shall be able to
dispossess the French of Chandernagore." So it is evident that he
came with this intention to Bengal.]

[Footnote 83: Clive describes Hugli as "the second city in the
kingdom." _Letter to Lord Hardwicke, Feb_. 23, 1757.]

[Footnote 84: Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa.]

[Footnote 85: Hearing that Seth Mahtab Rai was to marry a
wonderfully beautiful woman, he forced the Seths to let him see the
young lady. _Scrafton_.]

[Footnote 86: "If one is to believe certain English writers, the
Seths were an apparently insurmountable obstacle to the project
because of the money we owed them, as if in their perilous position
these bankers would not be inclined to sacrifice something to save
the greater part. Besides, we shall see by what follows that they
sacrificed nothing." _Law_. The extraordinary influence of these
people was due not so much to their dealings with the head of the
State as to the fact that native princes generally make payments,
not in cash, but in bonds. It therefore depends on the bankers what
any man shall get for his bonds. In this way an official, even when
paid by the State, may be ruined by the bankers, who are merely
private persons.]

[Footnote 87: "In India it is thought disrespectful to tell a great
man distinctly the evil which is said of him. If an inferior knows
that designs are formed against the life of his superior, he must
use circumlocutions, and suggest the subject in vague terms and
speak in enigmas. It is for the great man to divine what is meant.
If he has not the wit, so much the worse for him. As a foreigner, I
was naturally more bold and said what I thought to Siraj-ud-daula.
Coja Wajid did not hesitate to blame me, so that for a long time I
did not know what to think of him. This man finally fell a victim to
his diplomacies, perhaps also to his imprudences. One gets tired of
continual diplomacy, and what is good in the beginning of a business
becomes in the end imprudence." _Law_.]

[Footnote 88: "Witness the letter written to the English Admiral
Watson, by which it is pretended the Nawab authorized him to
undertake the siege of Chandernagore. The English memoir" (by _Luke
Scrafton_) "confesses it was a surprise, and that the Secretary must
have been bribed to write it in a way suitable to the views of Mr.
Watts. The Nawab never read the letters which he ordered to be
written; besides, the Moors never sign their names; the envelope
being closed and well fastened, the Secretary asks the Nawab for his
seal, and seals it in his presence. Often there is a counterfeit
seal." _Law_. From this it may be seen that the Nawab could always
assert that his Secretary had exceeded his instructions, whilst it
was open to his correspondent to assert the contrary.]

[Footnote 89: The clerks.]

[Footnote 90: "This was the boaster Rai Durlabh Ram, who had already
received much from me, but all the treasures of the Universe could
not have freed him from the fear he felt at having to fight the
English. He had with him as his second in command a good officer,
Mir Madan, the only man I counted upon." _Law_.]

[Footnote 91: Referring to Clive's letter of the 7th of March,
saying he wished to attack Chandernagore, but would await the
Nawab's orders at that place.]

[Footnote 92: By "agent" Law must mean simply an agent in the plot.]

[Footnote 93: Scrafton, in his "Reflections" (_pp. 40 and 50_),
says, Siraj-ud-daula indulged in all sorts of debauchery; but his
grandfather, in his last illness, made him swear on the Koran to
give up drinking. He kept his oath, but probably his mind was
affected by his previous excesses.]

[Footnote 94: Arzbegi, i.e. the officer who receives petitions.]

[Footnote 95: A preparation of betel-nut (areca-nut) is used by the
natives of Hindustan as a digestive. When offered to a guest, it is
a sign of welcome or dismissal. When sent by a messenger, it is an
assurance of friendship and safe conduct.]

[Footnote 96: The Governor of Patna was Raja Ramnarain, a Hindu,
with the rank of Naib only. It was considered unsafe to entrust so
important a post to a Muhammadan, or an officer with the rank of
Nawab.]

[Footnote 97: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2779, No. 120.]

[Footnote 98: Ibid., India IX., p. 2294.]

[Footnote 99: Letter from Renault to Dupleix. Dated Chandernagore,
Sept. 4, 1757.]

[Footnote 100: Broome (p. 154) gives his name as Mir Daood.]

[Footnote 101: The Council signed the Treaty with Mir Jafar on the
19th of May, but Mr. Watts's first intimation of his readiness to
join the English is, I believe, in a letter dated the 26th of April.
Mir Jafar signed the Treaty early in June.]

[Footnote 102: So Suja-ud-daula, Nawab of Oudh, plundered the Nawab
Mir Kasim, when the English drove him from Bengal in 1763.]

[Footnote 103: Broome (p. 154) says "a fakier, named Dana Shah,
whose nose and ears he had ordered to be cut off thirteen months
before, when on his march against the Nawaub of Purneah."]

[Footnote 104: Orme MSS., India Office, and Clive correspondence at
Walcot, vol. iv.]

[Footnote 105: The celebrated traveller. He quickly quarrelled with
and left them.]

[Footnote 106: Province.]

[Footnote 107: Nawab of Oudh and father of Suja-ud-daula.]

[Footnote 108: I.e. the receiver of the rent or revenue.]

[Footnote 109: The regular winds of the various seasons are called
monsoons, and are named after the point of the compass from which
they blow.]

[Footnote 110: Alamgir II.]

[Footnote 111: Imad-ul-mulk, Ghazi-ud-din Khan.]

[Footnote 112: Ali Gauhar, born 1728. On the death of his father,
November 29, 1759, he assumed the name or title of Shah Alam.]

[Footnote 113: The old English Factory at Patna was re-opened by Mr.
Pearkes, in July, 1757. See his letters to Council, dated 12th and
14th July, 1757.]

[Footnote 114: Kasim Ali had a much better army than any of his
predecessors. Though it was not trained in the European manner,
several of the chief officers were Armenians, who effected great
reforms in discipline. Three years later it made a really good fight
against the English.]

[Footnote 115: The battle is generally known as that of Gaya, but
was fought at Suan. The site is marked in Rennell's map of South
Bihar. It lies about six miles west of the town of Bihar, on the
river Banowra.]

[Footnote 116: The Banowra River.]

[Footnote 117: The French capital on the Madras coast. Surrendered
to Eyre Coote.]

[Footnote 118: Sepoys, so called from the Telingana district in
Madras, where they were first recruited.]

[Footnote 119: Mrs. Law. _Bibi_ is the equivalent of mistress or
lady. _Lass_ was the native version of Law. Mrs. Law's maiden name
was Jeanne Carvalho.]

[Footnote 120: Bengal Select Com. Consultations, 28th January,
1761.]

[Footnote 121: "A part of these Memoirs was written at Paris in
1703, and part at sea in 1764, during my second voyage to India, but
several of the notes were added later." _Law_.]




CHAPTER IV

M. COURTIN, CHIEF OF DACCA


Jacques Ignace, son of Francois Courtin, Chevalier, Seigneur de
Nanteuil, and of Catherine Colin, is, I believe, the correct
designation of the gentleman who appears in all the records of the
French and English East India Companies as M. Courtin, Chief of the
French Factory at Dacca.

In June 1756, when Siraj-ud-daula marched on Calcutta, he sent word
to his representative, the Nawab Jusserat Khan at Dacca, to seize
the English Factory, and make prisoners of the Company's servants
and soldiers. The English Factory on the site of the present
Government College, was--

  "little better than a common house, surrounded with a thin
  brick wall, one half of it not above nine foot high." The
  garrison consisted "of a lieutenant" (Lieutenant John Cudmore),
  "4 serjeants, 3 corporals, and 19 European soldiers,
  besides 34 black Christians[122] and 60 _Buxerries_."[123]

[Illustration: DACCA, OR JEHANGIR NAGAR. (_After Rennell_.)]

On the 27th of June Jusserat Khan sent on the Nawab's order by the
English _wakil_, or agent, to Mr. Becher, the English Chief, and
informed him of the capture of Fort William and the flight of Mr.
Drake. Thinking this was merely a trick to frighten them into
surrender, the Dacca Council requested Mr. Scrafton, third in
Council, to write to M. Courtin, chief of the French Factory, for
information. In reply M. Courtin sent them a number of letters which
he had received from Chandernagore, confirming the bad news from
Calcutta. Taking into consideration the unfortified condition of the
Factory, and that Dacca was only four days by river from Murshidabad
whilst it was fourteen from Calcutta, it seemed idle to hope to
defend it even when assistance could be expected from the latter
place, and, now that it was certain that Calcutta itself had fallen,
any attempt at defence appeared rather "an act of rashness than of
bravery." It was therefore resolved to obtain the best terms they
could through the French.

The next day M. Fleurin, second of the French Factory--M.
Courtin[124] was not well acquainted with the English language--came
to inform them that the Nawab of Dacca agreed that the ladies and
gentlemen should be allowed to retire to the French Factory on M.
Courtin giving his word that they would there await the orders of
Siraj-ud-daula as to their future fate. The soldiers were to lay
down their arms, and be prisoners to the Nawab. This amicable
arrangement was entirely due to M. Courtin's good offices, and he
was much congratulated on the tact he had shown in preventing the
Nawab from using violent measures, as he seemed inclined to do at
first. As the Nawab would not allow the English to take away any of
their property, except the clothes they were wearing, they were
entirely dependent upon the French for everything, and were treated
with the greatest kindness. The Council wrote:--

  "The French have behaved with the greatest humanity
  to such as have taken refuge at their Factory, and the tenour
  of their conduct everywhere to us on this melancholy occasion
  has been such as to merit the grateful acknowledgment of
  our nation."

For some two months the English remained in the French Factory, M.
Law, at Cossimbazar, warmly soliciting their release from
Siraj-ud-daula. This he obtained with difficulty, and at last Mr.
Becher and his companions sailed in a sloop provided by M. Courtin
for Fulta, where they arrived safely on the 26th of August. When
Calcutta had been recaptured by the English, M. Courtin, like a good
business man, sent in a bill for the costs of the sloop to the
Council at Calcutta, and the Consultations of the 16th of May, 1757,
duly notify its payment.

The English did not regain possession of the Factory at Dacca till
the 8th of March, by which time the declaration of War between
France and England was known, and the likelihood of troubles in
Bengal was very apparent. As we have seen, the English were
successful in their attack on Chandernagore, but the whole country
was aware that the Nawab was only the more enraged with them, and
his local officers might at any moment be instructed to take
vengeance on Englishmen found defenceless up country. On the 23rd of
March, Messrs. Sumner and Waller wrote from Dacca that Jusserat Khan
had refused to restore the Factory cannon, and to pass their goods
without a new _parwana_[125] from Murshidabad. It was therefore
still very doubtful whether he would assist the English or the
French at Dacca, and though the English obtained the _parwana_ they
wanted early in May, on the 9th the Council at Calcutta sent them
orders to do the best they could for their own security, and
informed them they had sent an armed sloop to Luckipore to cover
their retreat. They immediately sent down all the goods they could,
but as matters became quieter again they soon resumed business, and
appear to have had no further trouble.

It may be imagined that M. Courtin and his friends, knowing that the
English had demanded the surrender of the French Factories, had a
very uncomfortable experience all this time.[126] Unfortunately no
Records of the French Factories in Bengal are now to be found, and I
had despaired of obtaining any information about the expulsion from
Dacca, when, in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris, I came on a MS.
entitled, "_Copy of a letter from M. Courtin from India, written to
his wife, in which are given in detail the different affairs which
he had with the Moors from the 22nd of June, 1757, the day of his
evacuation of Dacca, to the 9th of March, 1758_."[127]

M. Courtin had married a Madame Direy, widow of a French Company's
servant, and the letter shows she was fortunately in France at the
time of her husband's troubles. As was natural, but inconveniently
enough for us, Courtin does not think it necessary to trouble her
with unintelligible and unpronounceable Indian names. Where
possible, I shall fill them in from the English Records, otherwise I
shall interrupt the course of the letter as little as possible. It
runs as follows:--

  "Calcapur,[128] April 20, 1758.

  "Word must have reached thee in France of the loss of
  Chandernagore, which was taken from us by the English on
  the 23rd of March, 1757, after eleven days' siege. I was
  then at Dacca, and expecting every day to see M.
  Chevalier return from his journey to the King of Assam.
  Judge, my dear wife, of the chagrin and embarrassment into
  which I was thrown by this deplorable event. The English
  had had no idea of attacking Chandernagore until they had
  recovered Calcutta from the Moors, taken the Moorish village
  at Hugli, and forced the Moors to agree to a most shameful
  peace. This was not, as thou wilt see, sufficient for them,
  for Siraj-ud-daula had offended them too deeply for them to
  stop when once they found themselves on a good road; but
  unfortunately we were an obstacle in the way of their
  vengeance, otherwise I believe they would have observed
  the neutrality which had been always so carefully maintained
  by the European nations in the country of the Ganges, in
  spite of all the wars which took place in Europe. Many of
  the French from Chandernagore--officers, Company's servants,
  and others--had taken refuge at Cossimbazar with M. Law,
  who formed there a party which opposed the English in
  various ways. The English, however, forced Siraj-ud-daula,
  against his true interest and in spite of his promise to
  protect us, to abandon us, and to make M. Law leave his
  Factory and go to Patna. This imprudent act was the ruin
  of the Prince and put the final touch to our misfortunes,
  whilst it has made the English masters of Bengal, and has
  filled their coffers with wealth.

  "I held on at Dacca till the 22nd of June. I was troubled
  as little as was possible in such circumstances, owing, I
  think, to the gratitude which the English felt for the services
  I had rendered them in Dacca the year before. I had all
  the more reason to think this was so because, after the
  misfortune which befell Chandernagore, they had often
  offered to secure to me all my effects and merchandise in
  Murshidabad [?]--they were worth a million--provided I
  made over to them the French Factory and all that belonged
  to the Company, and would myself leave for Pondicherry
  in the following October. They said I should not be considered
  a prisoner of war, and should not require to be
  exchanged.

  "These were, no doubt, very good terms, and most
  advantageous to me; but should I not have been dishonoured
  for ever if I had had a soul so servile and base as to accept
  them? I would have been covered with ignominy in my
  own eyes, and without doubt in those of all the world. I
  therefore thought it my duty to reject them.

  "Things were on this footing when, at the beginning
  of June, I learned that the English, having got rid of M.
  Law, were marching upon Murshidabad with all their forces
  to achieve the destruction of a Prince who was already half
  ruined by his own timidity and cowardice, and still further
  weakened by the factions formed against him by the chief
  members of his own family--a Prince detested by every one
  for his pride and tyranny, and for a thousand dreadful crimes
  with which he had already soiled his reputation though he
  was barely twenty-five years old.

  "I knew only too well what was preparing against him,
  and I was also most eager to find some honourable means of
  escape for myself. M. Chevalier's absence troubled me
  greatly, and I did not like to leave him behind me. At last
  he arrived on the 16th or 17th. I had taken the precaution
  to provide myself with a _parwana_, or passport, signed by
  Siraj-ud-daula, allowing me to go where I pleased. That
  Prince had recalled M. Law to him, but too late, for I felt
  certain he could not rejoin him in time to save him or to
  check the progress of his enemies. I was in a hurry therefore
  to go and help to save him if that were possible, taking
  care, however, to choose a route by which I could escape if,
  as I thought probable, he should have succumbed beforehand
  to the efforts of the English, and the treason of his subjects.

  "It was then the 22nd of June when I started with
  about 35 boats,[129] MM. Chevalier, Brayer [possibly a relation
  of the M. Brayer who commanded at Patna], Gourlade, the
  surgeon, and an Augustine Father, Chaplain of the Factory,
  8 European soldiers, of whom several were old and past
  service, 17 topass gunners, 4 or 5 of the Company's servants,
  and about 25 or 30 peons.[130] There, my dear wife, is the
  troop with which thou seest me start upon my adventures.[131]
  To these, however, should be added my Christian clerks, my
  domestics, and even my cook, all of whom I dressed and
  armed as soldiers to assist me in what I expected to be a
  losing game, and which, in fact, had results the most disastrous
  in the world for my personal interests.

  "It was not till seven or eight days after I had set out
  with this fine troop that I learned there had been a battle at
  Plassey between the English and the Nawab, in which the
  latter had been defeated and forced to flee, and that Jafar
  Ali Khan, his maternal uncle,[132] had been enthroned in his
  place. This report, though likely enough as far as I could
  judge, did not come from a source so trustworthy that I could
  rely on it with entire faith. Accordingly I did not yet
  abandon the route which I had proposed to myself; in fact,
  I followed it for some days more, and almost as far as the
  mouth of the Patna River.[133] There I learned, beyond possibility
  of doubt, that Siraj-ud-daula had been captured, conducted
  to Murshidabad, and there massacred; that he had
  just missed being rejoined by M. Law, who was coming to
  meet him, and could easily have done so if he had followed
  the instructions given him and had been willing to march
  only three hours longer; and that the English had sent a
  body of troops towards Patna to capture or destroy M. Law
  if possible."

We have seen in a previous chapter the real reasons why Law was
unable to rejoin Siraj-ud-daula in time for the battle.

  "I now saw that a junction with him had become impossible,
  unless I determined to run the most evident risk of
  losing my liberty and all I had."

It appears that Courtin had the Company's effects, as well as his
own private property and that of his companions, on board his little
fleet.

  "This made me change my route immediately. The
  mountains of Tibet[134] appeared to me a safe and eminently
  suitable asylum until the arrival in the Ganges of the forces
  which we flattered ourselves were coming. I therefore directed
  my route in this direction, but found myself suddenly and
  unexpectedly so close to Murshidabad that for two days
  together we heard the sound of the guns fired in honour of
  the revolution which had taken place. It is easy to judge
  into what alarm this unexpected and disagreeable proximity
  threw me. However, we arrived safely, on the 10th of July,
  at the capital of the Raja of Dinajpur, who wished to oppose
  our passage."

This was the Raja Ram Nath, whom Orme describes as "a Raja, who with
much timidity, was a good man."

  "We made it in spite of him, threatening to attack him
  if he showed any further intention of opposing us. I do not
  know what would have happened if he had had a little firmness,
  for we learned afterwards that he had always in his
  service a body of 5000 infantry and cavalry. The persons
  whom he sent to us had at first suggested that I should pretend
  I was English, assuring me that by that means all difficulties
  would be removed; but I thought this trick too much
  beneath a man of honour for me to make use of it, and, in
  fact, I objected to pass for anything but what I really was.

  "I found here a French soldier, who had been at the
  battle of Plassey, where the brave Sinfray,[135] at the head of
  38 Frenchmen, had fought like a hero for a long time, and
  had retreated only at the order of Siraj-ud-daula, who, seeing
  himself betrayed and the battle lost, sent him word to cease
  fighting. This worthy gentleman afterwards took refuge in
  Birbhum, the Raja of which country betrayed him, and disgracefully
  handed him over to the English in October last."

Courtin is somewhat unfair to the Raja (apparently a Muhammadan, as
he was called Assaduzama Muhammad),[136] for this Prince was an ally
of the English, and had offered Clive the assistance of his forces
before the battle of Plassey. It could be no treachery on his part
to pick up fugitives from the battle, like Sinfray, and hand them
over to his allies. I may as well quote one of the Raja's letters to
Clive, received 28th October, 1757:--

  "Before your letter arrived the French were going
  through, some woods in my country. I knew they were your
  enemies, therefore I ordered my people to surround them. The
  French being afraid, some said they were English, and some
  Dutch. In the meantime I received your letter that if I
  could apprehend them I should send them to you, therefore
  I have sent them. Surajah Dowlat has plundered my
  country so much, that there is hardly anything left in it."[137]

Courtin continues:--

  "To return to my journey and my adventures. I now
  found myself outside of Bengal and in sight of the mountains
  of Tibet, a month having elapsed since my departure from
  Dacca. I was only two or three days distant from these
  mountains, and my intention, as thou hast seen above, was to
  go there; but I was prevented by the murmurs of my people,
  especially the boatmen, who already began to desert in small
  parties. Accordingly I accepted an offer made me on the
  part of the Raja of Sahibgunj, to give me a site for a fort,
  and to aid me with everything I might want. I descended
  the river again for a little, and near this site, which was on
  the river bank, I commenced a fort, but the thickness of the
  forest forced me to abandon it, and I entered a little river
  close by, which conducted me to a marsh, on the borders of
  which I found an elevated site admirably situated and in a
  very agreeable neighbourhood.[138] This belonged to the same
  Raja, and with his consent I again set to work, and that
  with such promptitude that in less than a month my fortress
  commenced to take form, and visibly progressed owing to
  the extraordinary efforts I made to complete it. It was
  triangular, with a bastion at each angle. At two of the
  angles I had found superb trees with very heavy foliage, and
  on the third I erected the mast of my boat and hoisted our
  flag. All three bastions had four embrasures, a fine entrance
  gate opening on the marsh, and a little open turret above,
  A small entrance gate led to the open country. The curtains
  were carefully pierced for musketry, and strengthened outside
  with a trellis work of bamboo, and finished off with banquettes
  on the ramparts. An excellent powder magazine
  was built in the same way, and, being situated in the interior
  of the fort, was quite safe from any accident.

  "As I had brought workmen of all kinds with me, the
  work went on well, especially as the care of our health made
  us all industrious. I was not without cannon, and I mounted
  on our ramparts two Swedish guns, which afterwards proved
  our safety and preservation.[139] Also being provided with the
  requisites for making gunpowder, I very soon had nearly
  3000 lbs. weight of very good quality.

  "Hardly anything remained to complete my fortress,
  which I had named 'Bourgogne,' except to provide it with
  a glacis. It was already furnished with a market which was
  sufficiently flourishing, when to my misfortune I received
  the false information that our forces, which were said to be
  considerable, were ready to enter the Ganges, and that there
  was certain news of the arrival of a very strong squadron at
  Pondicherry.[140] On the 8th September there broke out at
  Purneah, and in the province of that name, a Evolution
  headed by a person named Hazir Ali Khan,[141] who, having
  seized the capital, at once wrote to me to join him, and assist
  him against the English and Jafar Ali Khan.[142]

  "These two events made me stop everything else and
  devote myself entirely to getting my boats out of the little
  river by which I had entered the marsh, and which was now
  almost quite dried up. I succeeded in doing so after some
  time, by means of ditches which I cut from the marsh, but
  this took me more than a month and considerable labour, as
  I was about two leagues from the great river. To complete
  my misfortunes, my troop was attacked by sickness, which
  raged with a violence such as I had scarcely ever seen. It
  cost me nine soldiers, of whom three were Europeans. The
  latter were luckily replaced some days after by the same
  number who joined me.[143] Poor M. Brayer and M. Gourlade
  had been during almost the whole campaign in the most
  pitiable condition, especially the former, who I thought a
  thousand times must have died. As for me, the powders
  _d'Aillot_ preserved me from the pestilential air, and cured
  me from the effects of a fall in my _bajarow_,[144] caused by the
  clumsiness of my boatmen. I narrowly escaped breaking
  my ribs and back.

  "Before quitting Fort Bourgogne I must tell thee, my
  dear wife, that I often played there a very grand role. I
  was called the 'Fringuey Raja,' or 'King of the Christians.'
  I was often chosen as arbiter amongst the little princes in
  my neighbourhood, who sent me ambassadors. My reputation
  spread so wide, and the respect that I gained was so
  great, that the King of Tibet did not disdain to honour me
  with an embassy of nearly eight hundred persons, whom I
  entertained for nine whole days, and whose chiefs I dismissed
  with presents suitable to their rank, their king, our
  nation, and the idea which I wished to leave behind me in
  this country of the European name. The presents which
  were made me consisted of five horses, some bags of scent,
  three or four pieces of china, pieces of gilt paper, and a sabre
  like those used by the Bhutiyas, or people of Tibet, who are
  men as strong and robust as those of Bengal are feeble.
  Though pagans like the latter, they eat all kinds of things,
  and live almost like the Tartars, from whom they are descended.
  They have no beards, and are clothed in a fashion
  which is good enough, but which looks singular. They are
  very dirty. The complexion of those whom I saw was very
  dark, but I know it is not the same in the interior of the
  country and in the mountains, where all are as fair as the
  Chinese, who are said to be their neighbours. I took some
  trouble to form an alliance and to make a party amongst
  them. They appeared very willing, but I soon had occasion
  to convince myself that not only were they not fitting persons
  for my designs, but also that they were playing with me.
  It is not that they do not make raids upon the lower country,
  but they make these only in the cold weather, always withdrawing
  at the commencement of the hot, without trying to
  make any permanent conquests.

  "There, then, my reign is finished, or nearly so, for the
  good news that I continued to receive (though always without
  foundation, as I learned afterwards), joined to the entreaties
  of Hazir All Khan and to the unhealthy air which continued
  to decimate my poor little troop, induced me at last to
  abandon my fort, to embark again upon my boats, and to
  reapproach Bengal, from which I had hitherto been travelling
  away. The second day after my departure was marked by
  a very annoying accident, namely the loss of one of my
  largest boats, on which was my library and a quantity of my
  effects. These were quickly drawn out of the water, but
  were none the less ruined for the Company and for me.
  From that moment commence my misfortunes. The sixth
  day--I had passed three in the salvage of the effects on my
  boat--I received a _pattamar_ (messenger), who informed me
  that the English and the troops of Jafar Ali Khan were at
  Purneah, from which they had chased Hazir Ali Khan and
  wholly destroyed his faction."

From Broome we see that this was in the middle of December, 1757. It
was now that Clive first heard what Courtin was attempting. He
immediately sent orders direct, and also through the Nawab, to Kasim
Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore, and to Raja Ram Nath of Dinajpur, to
seize the French.

  "It was almost impossible for me to reascend the river
  because of the dry banks and the strong currents which
  would have put my boats in danger. However, I found
  myself in the country of Rungpore, which was a dependency
  of Bengal. I determined nevertheless to remain where I
  was, flattering myself the English would not come to look
  for me, nor the Nawab or the ruler of the province think of
  disturbing themselves about me, as I was doing no harm in
  the country, and as I was very strict in observing proper
  order and discipline. I was so confident on this latter head
  that I did not think of throwing up now entrenchments, and
  occupied myself only with hunting and walking whilst I
  awaited the arrival of the French forces. However, one day,
  towards the middle of January, a secret rumour came to me
  that Kasim Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore, was coming to
  attack me. I sent out scouts, who reported that all was
  tranquil in his town, and that, far from wishing to come and
  look for a quarrel, he was in fear lest I should march against
  his town, which was three days' journey from where I was.
  Doubtless my men deceived me or did not take the trouble
  to go to Rungpore, for on the 15th of the same month, at
  3 p.m., on the opposite side of the river to that on which
  we were, there appeared a body of soldiers, cavalry and
  infantry, about 600 in number, who approached so near my
  fleet that I no longer doubted the correctness of the first
  advice which had been given me. I ordered a discharge
  of three guns on this troop, which was so well directed that
  the enemy were forced to take themselves off and to encamp
  a little further from me. Next day the commander sent me
  a present of some fruit, and an intimation that he only
  wished to see me quit his country. He knew I could not
  do this without risk, and, according to the custom of the
  infidels, he gave me the strongest possible assurances of my
  safety and tranquillity. I took care not to trust to them;
  I was then, as I said above, without entrenchments and
  without defence, so in the evening I set to work at surrounding
  myself with a ditch, the mud taken out of which would
  serve me for embrasures. I was short of provisions, which
  made me very anxious, and I was still more so when
  I learned that the enemy were trying to cut me off from
  provisions on all sides, and that their intention was to
  capture me by famine or treachery. Their number quickly
  increased to 3000 men, of whom a part came over to my
  side of the river, and harassed my people whenever they
  went out for provisions. This forced me to detach. MM.
  Chevalier and Gourlade, with about 10 men, some peons
  and boatmen, against one of their little camps, where there
  were about 150 men, foot and horse. Our men received
  their fire, stormed the camp, and destroyed it after having
  put every one to flight. There was not a single person
  wounded on our side. This little advantage gave me time to
  make a good provision of rice and other things in the villages
  near my entrenchments. I cleared out these villages and
  drove out the inhabitants, but I was still in need of a
  quantity of things necessary to life. To procure these, I
  tried to frighten the enemy by cannonading their chief camp
  on the other side of the river. This only resulted in making
  them withdraw altogether beyond the reach of my guns, not
  with the idea of going away, but of starving me out, and, as
  I learned later, to give time for a reinforcement of artillery
  which they were expecting to arrive. They had already 4
  or 5 guns, but their calibre was small compared with mine,
  as I was able to see from the balls which fell in my camp
  when it was entrenched only on the land side.

  "The 19th of January, early in the morning, I sent across
  the river a number of workmen, supported by a little detachment
  under M. Gourlade, to cut down a grove of bamboos
  which masked my guns, and to burn down some houses which
  were also in their way. I forbade them to engage the enemy,
  and all went well until some topasses and peons advanced
  too far towards the enemy's camp, and I heard discharges
  so loud and frequent on both sides, that I ordered a retreat
  to be beaten in my entrenchments, to make my people recross
  the river. I fired my guns continually to facilitate this and to
  cover the movement. In this skirmish I had only one soldier
  wounded, and I do not know whether the enemy had any
  losses. This day more than 1500 shots were fired on both
  sides. Some of the guns which the enemy brought up
  troubled us greatly, as we were not entrenched on the water
  side. Several balls fell at my side or passed over my head.
  This determined me to set all my people at work the next
  night with torches, to put us under cover on this side
  also."

[It was apparently this fight which Kasim Ali reported to Clive on
the 24th of January:--

  "I wrote expressly to my people to go and take them"
  (the French) "and they went immediately and found them
  ready to fight. On both sides there were cannon and
  _jenjalls_.[145] A _nulla_[146] was between them, which the French
  crost, and advancing upon my people, fought with great
  intrepidity: but luckily, three or four of them being killed,
  they retired into their fort."[147]]

  "The Moors saw, from my manoeuvre, how important it
  was for them to seize the ground which I had intended to
  clear, and, contrary to my expectation, established themselves
  on it the same evening without my being able to hinder
  them, keeping themselves always well hidden behind the
  bamboos, where they had nothing to fear from my artillery,
  and still less from my musketry. Like me they worked at
  night, and, having as many prisoners or other workmen at
  their command as they wanted, I saw, with regret, next
  morning the progress which they had made opposite me. I
  could not dislodge them without risking everything. Weak
  as I was, I thought it wiser not to hazard anything more in
  sorties, but to hold myself always on the defensive.

  "Sheikh Faiz Ulla (that was the name of the Moorish
  general) sent me one of his men next day with a present and
  proposals of peace, the first condition of which was, of course,
  that I should quit his country, and as, since the dry weather
  had set in, a very large and dangerous bank had formed in
  the river seven or eight leagues below me, he offered me one
  or two thousand workmen to assist in making a passage for
  my boats. The shocking treachery used by the Moors being
  well known to me, I refused to accept his offers except on
  his furnishing me with hostages for his good faith. He first
  proposed himself, but with such a strong escort that it was
  not difficult to see that it was a trap which he was setting
  for me, so as to seize and massacre us. After many debates
  between our emissaries, he consented to come to my _bajarow_,
  he and his servants, and that all of them should serve as
  hostages until I was quite out of the domains of his master.

  "I loyally agreed to this arrangement and made preparations
  in consequence, but at 7 in the morning on the
  23rd of January, the day I expected the hostages, I was
  awakened by a cannon-shot quickly followed by a second, the
  ball of which pierced the _rezai_[148] at the foot of my bed from
  side to side, and made a great noise. For a long time I had
  been accustomed to sleep fully dressed, so I was able to go out
  quickly and give orders in the entrenchments. The treachery
  and perfidy of the enemy were too manifest; nevertheless, I
  forbade a single shot to be fired with musket or cannon, and
  simply recommended my people to be on their guard on
  the land side. The enemy kept up a continuous and very
  lively fire until 4 o'clock in the evening. I considered that
  it would be useless for me to reply, and wished to see how far
  they would push their insolence. That day we picked up 40
  cannon-balls, and our whole loss was one boatman slightly
  wounded in the leg. From 4 o'clock till night the enemy's
  fire was continued, but at long intervals. It began again
  the next morning. I suffered this as on the previous day
  for a couple of hours, at the end of which. I fired several
  shots and silenced it. My firing seemed to trouble the
  enemy more than I expected it would. One of my boats was
  sunk by a cannon-ball, several were pierced through, and
  my _rezai_, which used to serve me as a coat, was much
  damaged.

  "The succeeding days passed much in the same manner
  until the 3rd of February, when, on the same bank and to
  the north above my fleet, I saw a new entrenchment, which
  had been thrown up during the preceding night. Its batteries
  enfiladed mine along their whole length. It was necessary
  either to risk everything by making a sortie in order to
  destroy it, or to arrange terms. I determined on the latter,
  which appeared to me all the more necessary, as I was
  beginning to be in want of everything, and as I had just
  received letters which deprived me of all hope of the arrival
  of our forces in Bengal until April or May. I therefore
  informed Sheikh Faiz Ulla that I was ready to enter upon
  negotiations, and the same day he sent me some of his people,
  with whom I agreed to leave my entrenchments and go
  down the river. I consented to do this without hostages,
  but, that it might be done in security, I promised them a
  sum of money for themselves as well as for their general.
  This arrangement being agreed to by Sheikh Faiz Ulla, he
  sent me word that, in order that he might not appear to
  betray his master, it would be necessary for me next morning
  to open the fiercest fire possible on his camp; that he would
  reply; that on both sides it should be with the intention of
  doing as little hurt as possible; that I should pretend it was
  to force him to give me a passport, which he would send me
  in the evening; and that I should then send him the
  money I had promised. All these precautions were only
  to assist his rascality, and they appeared to me all the more
  surprising, as he had already repeatedly informed me that
  he had his master's permission to give me a passport, and to
  let me go where I pleased. But of what are these Moors not
  capable? Without being blind to the continuance of his perfidy,
  I flattered myself that it might happen that he would not
  trouble me on my march when he had received my money.

  "However this might be, my cannon fired from 10 in
  the morning till 3 in the evening. Our people, perceiving
  that the enemy were firing in earnest, did not spare them
  any more than they spared us, and that which was at first,
  on our side, only a pretence, finally became serious. At 4
  o'clock I received an envoy, who brought me the passport,
  and to whom I paid the money. He assured me that I
  might embark my artillery the next morning, and set out the
  day after without the slightest apprehension of being interfered
  with, I took my precautions, and, in fear of treachery, kept
  on shore my two Swedish guns. At last, at seven in the
  morning, my boats started, having on board only the sick
  and helpless, and I set out by land with my two guns and
  the rest of my troop, at the head of which I put myself."

This triumph of time and treachery was reported by Sheikh Faiz
Ulla's master, Kasim Ali, to Clive, on the 14th of February:[149]--

  "I before wrote you that I had sent forces to fight the
  French, that they had a fort and strong intrenchments, and
  that we had a battle with them.... ever since I wrote
  you last we have been fighting, my people have behaved well,
  and I make no doubt but you have heard it from other people.
  God knows what pains and trouble I have taken in this
  affair. The French being shut up in their fort and undergoing
  much fatigue by always fighting, and likewise being
  in want of provisions were obliged to run away in their
  boats by night, and went towards the Dinajpur country.

  My people being always ready to fight followed them....
  They can go no other way but through the Dinajpur country.
  I have therefore wrote expressly to the Rajah to stop the
  passage."

About this time, though Courtin does not mention it till later, he
began to see what the inevitable end must be. He could not cut his
way through to join Law, and with the whole country in arms against
him he was too weak to hold out for any length of time. Accordingly
he sent messengers secretly to Mr. Luke Scrafton, at Murshidabad. It
was Scrafton, as I have said above, who wrote to Courtin for
assistance when the Nawab of Dacca wanted to take their Factory and
imprison the English. Courtin now wrote to him to save him from
falling into the hands of the natives, and, on the 18th of February,
Scrafton wrote to the Select Committee at Calcutta for the necessary
permission.[150]

We now rejoin Courtin:--

  "What was my surprise, at the end of an hour and a
  half, to see that we were followed by a body of four or five
  hundred men, with two guns drawn by oxen. I pretended
  not to notice, and continued my march, but at 3 o'clock
  in the afternoon, seeing this troop approach, within range of
  my pieces, I pointed them at the Moors, and put my force
  in a position of defence. Their rascality followed its usual
  course, and they sent me word that I had nothing to fear,
  that they would not march so close to me any more, and
  that they followed me only to preserve the peace and to
  hinder my people, especially the stragglers, from committing
  any disorder. I received this excuse for what it was worth,
  and pretended to be content with, it, seeing clearly that they
  were looking for an opportunity to surprise and destroy us.

  "Several accidents happening to the boats of the rearguard
  prevented my troop and myself from rejoining the
  main body of the fleet till far on in the night. I found it
  anchored in the most disadvantageous position possible, and
  in the morning I saw at a distance of one-eighth of a league
  the same body of troops, that had followed me the day before,
  establishing and settling itself. A moment later I learned
  that Sheikh Faiz Ulla was on the opposite bank with his
  army and his artillery, that he intended to wait for me in a
  narrow place called Choquova,[151] at the foot of which my boats
  must pass, and that he was diligently making entrenchments
  there. My embarrassment was then extreme. I found
  myself surrounded on all sides; I was without any provisions,
  destitute of the most necessary articles of life. In
  this perplexity I saw only the most cruel alternatives, either
  to surrender or to fight to the death so as to perish with our
  arms in our hands. The latter appeared to be less dreadful
  than the former.

  "After repeated consultations, we determined it would
  be best to risk the passage of the fleet by Choquova. We
  thought that possibly we should find provisions there, and
  that certainly the position could not be worse (for defence)
  than that in which we then found ourselves. The passage
  was carried out in three hours' time without confusion or
  disorder, by means of my Swedish guns on the boat which
  led the van. What was our delight to find, not only a better
  position than that which we had quitted, but one that was
  almost completely entrenched by nature, and had villages
  full of rice to the right and left of it.

  "Next day I collected provisions in abundance, cleared
  the country round for a quarter of a league, and did my best
  to ameliorate my condition. The enemy were disconcerted by
  my boldness. They pretended as usual, in order to deceive
  me the more easily, that they were not surprised at my march.
  They feared rightly that if I commenced new entrenchments
  all their trouble would begin again. Besides, I had completely
  protected myself from the possibility of surprise. _Pourparlers_
  for an accommodation were renewed and lasted three
  days, at the end of which it was agreed that I should
  continue my march, that two hostages should be given me
  for my safety, and that the army with its guns should retire
  from Choquova, and should be sent a long way ahead across
  country, and as, at half a league from this place, the river
  was no longer navigable because of the bank which had
  formed in it, I should be supplied with people to facilitate
  my passage. Thou wilt notice, my dear wife, that in all the
  negotiations I had for various reasons and on several occasions
  proposed to suspend all hostilities until an answer
  could be received from Jafar All Khan and the English, to
  whom I said I would write to come to some accommodation
  with them, offering to send my letter open. This was repeatedly
  refused, but the refusal did not prevent my asking
  for the honours of war. My letters were despatched secretly
  by my own messengers.

  "At last, on the 23rd, I quitted, though with regret
  (always expecting treachery), my new position, and approached
  the shallow or bank mentioned. It was night when I
  arrived. In spite of this I could understand, from the
  dreadful noise made by the waters, that I should have
  difficulty in traversing this dangerous passage even with the
  assistance promised me. I was only too well convinced of
  the truth of this when day broke, and I saw that I had
  again been betrayed. There was nothing to be seen of the
  work which the Moors had engaged to do to lessen the
  difficulty of the passage. However, I did not hesitate to
  put out with my lighter boats, firmly resolved, if they arrived
  safely, to sacrifice the larger, with all that was upon them,
  to my safety, and thus to effect my retreat during the night.
  With the exception of two, which were lost, they all arrived
  safely. During this piece of work, which took up the whole
  day, I dissimulated my intentions in the presence of my hostages,
  merely letting them see I was somewhat surprised to
  find that, contrary to the promise given, there were no workmen,
  but that the army, which ought to have been withdrawn,
  was still close to us. Their excuses were vague and unsatisfactory.
  One of them, who, no doubt, knew the enemy's plans,
  asked permission to go to their camp, promising to come
  back the next day. Though his demand accorded with my
  designs, I agreed to it only after much persuasion, warning
  him not to break his _parole_ to return the next morning very
  early. This he swore to do. As a rule these people think
  nothing of an oath. I did not intend to wait for him, which
  his comrade clearly perceived, for, seeing that he himself
  had been sacrificed by his master's perfidy, he approved of
  the resolution I had taken to set out by night, and swore
  that he had acted in good faith, and was ignorant of the
  treachery that had been concocted. 'You can,' he said to me,
  'have my throat cut. You would be justified in doing so;
  but I will not quit you, even if you give me permission.
  If I went to my own people, they would say that I had
  disclosed to you the trick which you have yourself discovered,
  and would certainly show me less mercy than I
  have experienced from you.' After this I contented myself
  with having him closely watched.

  "Orders being given to the remaining boats to start by
  night, I mounted on horseback to carry certain necessaries
  to my detachment on land, which was already a little in
  advance and had crossed a small river with the guns. I
  had only three blacks with me, and none of us knew the
  way. The night was dark, and we wandered from it. I
  narrowly escaped being drowned with my horse, and at last
  we lost ourselves entirely. If we had been met by any
  horsemen, nothing would have been easier than for them to
  capture me, our arms and cartridges being all soaked with
  water. Luckily I heard our drums beating, and this told us
  in what direction we could safely go.

  "My intention was to march by land with my troops and
  guns. They objected to this, as I was wet to the skin and
  had a cold on the chest, which hardly allowed me to speak;
  so I went back to the boats, though with much regret, and
  resolved to manage so as not to lose sight of my detachment.
  I was in constant anxiety about the latter till 8 o'clock the
  next day, when we all came together, except one soldier
  topass, who, by his own fault, had remained on a big boat
  which we had abandoned, and a _manjhi_,[152] who was drowned
  in one of the two little ones which had sunk.

  "Finding myself in the territory of the Raja of Dinajpur,
  I imagined I had nothing to do with any one except him, and
  that Sheikh Faiz Ulla and his army would not think of
  following me through a country which, though tributary to
  the Nawab of Bengal, still in no way belonged to Faiz Ulla's
  master. The hostage who remained with me, and to whom
  I spoke about the matter,[153] did not altogether dissuade me
  from this idea, but counselled me to continue my march
  and to get farther away, which I did till 6 o'clock in the
  evening. What was my surprise when, at 9 o'clock, my
  scouts reported that the enemy were pursuing me, and were
  not more than a league away at the most. I could not
  advance during the night for fear of running on the banks
  or shallows with which the river was filled, and which might
  cause the loss of my boats and of my people. Accordingly,
  I did not set out till the morning, and always remained
  myself in the rear (of the fleet). I had stopped to wait for
  my land detachment and the guns, and was at some distance
  from the rest of my little fleet, when, about half-past nine,
  I heard several musket shots fired. In an instant I was
  surrounded by the enemy. M. Chevalier, who conducted the
  land detachment, fortunately perceived my situation, and,
  seeing my danger, brought up the two guns and fired about
  20 shots, which disengaged me, and gave me time to regain
  my boats by swift rowing. I had with me only Pedro and
  the Moorish hostage mentioned before. Then I landed with
  MM. Brayer, Gourlade, and in general every one who was
  strong enough to defend himself. At the same time I ordered
  the boats to go on. In this skirmish our loss was only one
  man slightly wounded in the ear by a musket-ball.

  "My little fleet _en route_, we marched by land on the
  bank opposite to that on which was, the main body of the
  enemy, who had only cavalry, which we did not trouble
  ourselves about It was not the same, however, with the
  boats. At the end of an hour the boatmen abandoned them
  in a sudden panic, and hurried tumultuously to join me.
  When my people were collected, I would have tried to go
  and recapture my boats, which the enemy had not delayed
  to seize; but not only would this have been a rash undertaking
  with so small a force against 3000 men, but also
  there was a little river which formed an island between my
  boats and me, and so prevented the passage of my guns
  This determined me to abandon the boats, and to retreat to
  Dinajpur, where I hoped to find an asylum with the Raja
  whilst I waited for a reply to my letters to Jafar All Khan
  and the English. We marched till 1 o'clock in the afternoon
  without being harassed or disquieted--no doubt because
  during this time Sheikh Faiz Ulla and his people were
  occupied in plundering the boats. We were now not very
  far from Dinajpur, when we met a body of the Raja's cavalry,
  the commander of which begged me to take another road so
  as not to pass through his town. Accordingly he gave me
  a guide, with whom we marched till half-past five, when we
  arrived at a great _gunge_ (market place) at the extremity of
  Dinajpur. There they lodged us in a great thatched building.
  The want of provisions had caused us to suffer very much in
  this retreat."

This was the battle of Cantanagar. Kasim Ali described it as follows
to Clive:--

  "My people and the French had a battle, and the latter
  finding themselves much, beat, they run away, and left their
  boats. They went to Oppoor" "and begged protection of
  the Kajah's people.... Bahadur Sing came and told my
  people to go a little further off, and they would deliver
  them up, but they put us off from day to day."[154]

About the time he was writing this, Clive was writing to say that he
had received Courtin's offer of surrender, and that Kasim Ali was to
cease hostilities and allow the French to come to him with their
boats and necessaries. Kasim Ali had received orders to the same
effect from Mr. Scrafton, who informed him he was sending an officer
to accept their surrender. This did not however prevent Kasim Ali
from trying to get hold of them, which accounts for the following
letter from Raja Ram Nath to Clive:[155]--

  "The French are now coming from another country by
  boats to go towards Muxadavad, and Kasim Ali Khan's
  people have followed them, out of his own country into
  mine. They have left their boats among Kasim Ali Khan's
  people and are now travelling to Jangepors" (? Tangepur).

  "When I heard this I sent people with all expedition to look
  after them, and I now hear that they have surrounded them.
  The French want the Nawab's and your orders and _call for justice_[156]
  from you. They have hoisted the Nawab's[157] and
  your colours, have put on your cloaths (?) and want to go
  to Muxadavad. Kasim Ali Khan's people want to carry
  them to Rungpore but they refuse to go, and say that if one
  of us is taken they will destroy themselves.[158] I am a poor
  Zemindar who pays revenues[159] and ready to obey your
  orders. If the Rungpore people should take them by force,
  and they should kill themselves, it would be a troublesome
  affair."

To return to Courtin's letter.

  "The Raja of Dinajpur did not fail to be embarrassed by
  the favour which he had shown to us. Fear was the only
  motive which influenced him. He sent word to me to
  depart by night under an escort of 200 of his people, who
  would conduct me to Murshidabad. I was very nearly
  accepting his suggestion, but the hunger and thirst, from
  which we suffered greatly, prevented me. So I postponed
  giving him a final answer till the next morning, and
  then, after full reflection, decided not to move from the
  place to which. I had been conducted until I received an
  answer to the letters sent to Murshidabad. I thought this
  all the wiser, as I was informed that nothing would induce
  my enemies to approach or attack me in my asylum.[160] The
  place was so retired and so well provided with storehouses,
  that I found there a greater appearance of security than in
  the open country or the escort offered by the Raja, as his
  men were subordinate to the same Prince as the people who
  composed the army of Sheikh Faiz Ulla, and were likely
  enough to abandon me or to join my enemies in overwhelming
  me. My conjectures were well founded, as, several days
  after, this same Raja, prompted by Sheikh Faiz Ulla, sent
  me word that he could not answer for what might happen to
  me if I were attacked; that his troops, being subject to
  Murshidabad like those of Kasim All Khan, could not
  support me, nor fire on the latter. Finally he sent a certain
  priest of his faith, a grave man, who came to suggest to us
  that our best course was to leave Dinajpur and gain the
  open country, otherwise we were lost. He said that he
  knew for certain that if I were so obstinate as to persist in
  wishing to remain there, orders had been given to attack us,
  cut our throats, and send our heads to Murshidabad. This
  person wished to terrify us so as to rid the Raja of us, as he
  was dying with fright lest war should be made in the very
  heart of his town. I replied that I was resolved to defend
  myself against any one who attacked me, to set fire to
  everything I found within my reach, to kill as many people
  as I could, and to die on my guns when I had used up all
  my ammunition; that this was also the intention of my companions,
  who preferred to die thus, like brave men, rather than
  to be exposed to the ignominies and indignities that we should
  undergo if we allowed ourselves to be made prisoners by the
  people of Kasim All Khan. The timid Raja, threatened by
  both parties, found himself in the utmost embarrassment, for
  Sheikh Faiz Ulla, at the gates of his town, put, as it were,
  his country under contribution, and demanded from him,
  with all imaginable insolence, that he should deliver us up
  to him, a thing which the Raja found difficult to do.

    "Some days passed in this way, during which we had
    frequent alarms, but the letters I received from Murshidabad
    filled every one with perplexity. The English sent me
    people on their own account. One of my private friends,[161]
    whom I had been so fortunate as to oblige on a similar
    occasion, wrote me not to trouble myself about my boats or
    my effects, but to come at once to him, and he would see
    that they restored or paid for my property, and that they
    gave me all that I might need. The orders received by
    Sheikh Faiz Ulla and the Raja at the same time, ordered the
    one to leave me in peace and the other to furnish me with
    everything I wanted. This put my mind in a condition of
    serenity to which it had long been a stranger, and threw my
    enemies into much confusion. They proposed that I should
    resume possession of my boats. I knew, with absolute
    certainty, that they had been half looted, still I accepted
    them on condition they were brought to Dinajpur. They
    did not wish, to do this; but next morning after reflection
    they consented, when, in my turn, I declined, and asked only
    for provisions and other things necessary for my journey.
    This they had the harshness to refuse, doubtless because they
    thought that I, being destitute of everything, would have to
    go down by whatever route they pleased. I would not
    trust them in anything, fearing treachery.

    "At last, without linen, without clothes, except what we
    had on our bodies, on the 1st of March, the seventeenth day
    after our retreat[162] we set out with our arms and our two
    Swedish guns to go to Murshidabad to the English, from
    whom I had demanded the honours of war."

    We learn from the correspondence between
    Mr. Scrafton and Clive, that Drake, the cowardly
    Governor of Calcutta, very naturally could not
    understand what was meant by this claim to the
    honours of war.[163]

"My guns were conducted by land by a small detachment, the command
of which I gave to M. Chevalier, and we embarked on some small
boats belonging to the Raja, in which we had hardly room to move.

"I was not yet at the end of my troubles, for on the 3rd of March,
after dinner, as I was getting back into my boat, one of the
boatmen, wishing to put down a gun, managed to let it off, and sent
a bullet through my left shoulder. It passed through the clavicle
between the sinew and the bone. Luckily the blow was broken by a
button which the bullet first struck; still it passed almost
completely through the shoulder and lodged under the skin, which had
to be opened behind the shoulder to extract it and also the wad.
However unfortunate this wound was, I ought to be very thankful to
God that it was so safely directed, and for the further good fortune
of finding with one of my people sufficient ointment for the
surgeon, who was quite destitute of all necessaries, to dress
my shoulder until the ninth day after, when we arrived at
Murshidabad.[164] This wound caused me much suffering for the first
few days, but, thanks to the Lord, in thirty-two or thirty-three
days it was quite healed and without any bad effects.

"We rested ourselves from our fatigue till the 20th at my friend's
house, when, with his concurrence and in response to their offers, I
went to the Dutch gentlemen at Cossimbazar, where M. Vernet, their
chief and an old friend of mine, received us with the greatest
kindness. It is from their Settlement that I write to thee, my dear
wife. Until the ships sail for England I shall continue to write
daily, and tell thee everything that is of interest.[165]

"August 10, 1758.

"My dear wife, I resume my narrative to tell thee that my boats have
been restored by the English, as well as all the goods that had not
been plundered by Sheikh Faiz Ulla and his people, except the
munitions of war. Still, so much of the merchandise, goods and
silver, has disappeared that I am ruined for ever, unless the
English, who have promised to cause everything to be restored, are
able to make the Moors give them up. The English have at length
decided on our fate in a way altogether honourable to us. We are not
prisoners of war, and so we are not subject to exchange; but we are
bound by certain conditions, which they think necessary to their
security, and which only do me honour. What has flattered me even
more is that the two Swedish guns which I had with me on my campaign
have actually been given to me as a present by the commander of the
English troops, who is also Governor of Calcutta, with the most
complimentary expressions."

Courtin had written to Clive, asking permission to go down to
Pondicherry. Clive replied on the 15th of July, 1758, granting
permission. His letter concludes:--

  "I am at this moment sending an order to the Captain
  Commandant of our troops to restore to you your two guns.
  I am charmed at this opportunity of showing you my
  appreciation of the way in which you have always behaved
  to the English, and my own regard for your merit."[166]

Courtin continues:--

  "Saved from so many perils and sufficiently fortunate
  to have won such sensible marks of distinction from our
  enemies, ought not this, my dear wife, to make me hope that
  the gentlemen of the French Company will do their utmost
  to procure me some military honour, in order to prove to the
  English that my nation is as ready as theirs to recognize my
  services?[167]

  "Now, my dear wife, I must end this letter so that it
  may be ready for despatch. For fear of its being lost I will
  send in the packet another letter for thee.

  "Do not disquiet thyself regarding my health. Thanks
  to God I am now actually pretty well. I dare not talk to
  thee of the possibility of our meeting. Circumstances are
  not favourable for thee to make another voyage to the Indies.
  That must depend upon events, thy health, peace, and
  wishes, which, in spite of my tender longing for thee, will
  always be my guide.

  "If the event of war has not been doubly disastrous to
  me, thou shouldst have received some small remittances,
  which I have sent, and of which I have advised thee in
  duplicate and triplicate. If the decrees of the Lord, after
  my having endured so many misfortunes and sufferings, have
  also ordained my death before I am in a position to provide
  what concerns thee, have I not a right to hope that all my
  friends will use their influence to induce the Company not
  to abandon one who will be the widow of two men who have
  served it well, and with all imaginable disinterestedness?

  "For the rest I repeat that, thanks to God, I am fairly well.

  "I kiss thee, etc., etc."

One would be glad to be assured that Courtin re-established his
fortune. If he is, as I suppose, the Jacques Ignace Courtin, who was
afterwards _Conseiller au Conseil des Indes_, we may be satisfied he
did so; but French East India Company Records are a hopeless chaos
at the present moment, and all that one can extract from the English
Records is evidence of still further suffering.

From Murshidabad or Cossimbazar, Courtin went down to Chandernagore,
whence the majority of the French inhabitants had already been sent
to the Madras Coast. The Fort had been blown up, and the private
houses were under sentence of destruction, for the English had
determined to destroy the town, partly in revenge for the behaviour
of Lally, who, acting under instructions from the French East India
Company, had shown great severity to the English in Southern India,
partly because they did not think themselves strong enough to
garrison Chandernagore as well as Calcutta, and feared the Moors
would occupy it if they did not place troops there, and partly
because they dreaded its restoration to France--which actually
happened--when peace was made. At any rate Courtin found the
remnants of his countrymen in despair, and in 1759 he wrote a
letter[168] to Clive and the Council of Calcutta, from which I
quote one or two paragraphs:--

  "With the most bitter grief I have received advice of
  the sentence you have passed on the French Settlement
  at Chandernagore, by which all the buildings, as well of
  the Company as of private persons, are to be utterly
  demolished.

  "Humane and compassionate as you are, Sirs, you would
  be sensibly affected--were your eyes witnesses to it as mine
  have been--by the distress to which this order has reduced
  the hearts of those unhappy inhabitants who remain in that
  unfortunate place, particularly if you knew that there is
  nothing left to the majority of them beyond these houses, on
  whose destruction you have resolved. If I may believe
  what I hear, the motive which incites you is that of reprisal
  for what has happened at Cuddalore and Madras: it does
  not become me to criticize either the conduct of M. Lally,
  our general, who, by all accounts, is a man very much to be
  respected by me, or your reasons, which you suppose sufficient.
  Granting the latter to be so, permit me, Sirs, to
  address myself to your generosity and humanity, and those
  admirable qualities, so universally esteemed by mankind,
  will encourage me to take the liberty to make certain representations.

  "All upbraidings are odious, and nothing is more just
  than the French proverb which says, to remind a person of
  favours done him cancels the obligation. God forbid, Sirs,
  I should be guilty of this to you or your nation by reminding
  you for a moment, that these houses, now condemned by
  you, served you as an asylum in 1756, and that the owners,
  whom you are now reducing to the greatest distress and are
  plunging into despair, assisted you to the utmost of their
  power, and alleviated your misfortunes as much as they were
  able. But what am I saying? Your nation is too polished to
  need reminding of what is just. Therefore excuse my saying
  that this reason alone is sufficient to cancel the law of
  retaliation which you have resolved to execute, and to make
  you revoke an order which, I am sure, you could not have
  given without much uneasiness of mind. I cast myself at
  your feet, imploring, with the most ardent prayers, that
  compassion, which I flatter myself I perceive in your hearts,
  for these poor creatures, whom you cannot without remorse
  render miserable. If you really, Sirs, think I too have had
  the happiness to be of some use to you and your nation,
  whilst Chief at Dacca, and that I have rendered you some
  services, I only beg that you would recollect them for one
  moment, and let them induce you to grant the favour I
  request for my poor countrymen. I shall then regard it as
  the most happy incident in my life, and shall think myself
  ten thousand times more indebted to you.

  "If, Sirs, you have absolutely imperative reasons for
  reprisal, change, if you please, the object of them. I offer
  myself a willing victim, if there must be one, and, if blood
  were necessary, I should think myself too happy to offer
  mine a sacrifice. But as these barbarous methods are not
  made use of in nations so civilized as ours, I have one last
  offer to make, which is to ransom and buy all the private
  houses at Chandernagore, for which I will enter into whatever
  engagements you please, and will give you the best
  security in my power."

The last words seem to imply that Courtin had recovered his
property, at least to a great extent; but his pathetic appeal was
useless in face of national necessities, and so far was
Chandernagore desolated that, in November of the same year, we read
that the English army, under Colonel Forde, was ambushed by the
Dutch garrison of Chinsurah "amongst the buildings and ruins of
Chandernagore."

From Chandernagore Courtin went to Pondicherry, where he became a
member of the Superior Council. He was one of the chiefs of the
faction opposed to Lally, who contemptuously mentions a printed
"Memorial" of his adventures which Courtin prepared, probably for
presentation to the Directors of the French East India Company.[169]
When, in January, 1761, Lally determined to capitulate, Courtin was
sent to the English commander on the part of the Council. Still
later we find his name attached to a petition, dated August 3, 1762,
presented to the King against Lally.[170] This shows that Courtin
had arrived in France, so that his elevation to the Council of the
Company is by no means improbable.

To any one who has lived long in India it seems unnatural that in
old days the small colonies of Europeans settled there should have
been incited to mutual conflict and mutual ruin, owing to quarrels
which originated in far-off Europe, and _which were decided without
any reference to the wishes or interests of Europeans living in the
colonies_. The British Settlements alone have successfully survived
the struggle. The least we can do is to acknowledge the merits,
whilst we commiserate the sufferings, of those other gallant men who
strove their best to win the great prize for their own countrymen.
Of the French especially it would appear that their writers have
noticed only those like Dupleix, Bussy, and Lally, who commanded
armies in glorious campaigns that somehow always ended to the
advantage of the British, and have utterly forgotten the civilians
who really kept the game going, and who would have been twice as
formidable to their enemies if the military had been subordinate to
them. The curse of the French East India Company was Militarism,
whilst fortunately for the English our greatest military hero in
India, Lord Clive, was so clear-minded that he could write:--

  "I have the liberty of an Englishman so strongly implanted
  in my nature, that I would have the Civil all in all,
  in all times and in all places, cases of immediate danger
  excepted."

How much might have been achieved by men like Renault, Law, and
Courtin, if they had had an adequate military force at their
disposal! They saw, as clearly as did the English, that Bengal was
the heart of India, and they saw the English denude Madras of troops
to defend Bengal, whilst they themselves were left by the French
commanders in a state of hopeless impotence. On the other hand,
owing to the English Company's insistence that military domination
should be the exception and not the rule, British civilians and
British soldiers have, almost always, worked together harmoniously.
It was this union of force which gave us Bengal in the time of which
I have been writing, and to the same source of power we owe the
gradual building up of the great Empire which now dominates the
whole of India.


FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 122: Probably Portuguese half-castes.]

[Footnote 123: Matchlock men. Consultations of the Dacca Council,
27th June, 1756. Madras Select Committee Proceedings, 9th November,
1756.]

[Footnote 124: When Courtin was sent by Count Lally with the
proposals for the surrender of Pondicherry he had to take an
interpreter with him. _Memoirs of Lally_, p. 105.]

[Footnote 125: I.e. official order.]

[Footnote 126: I cannot ascertain where M. Fleurin was at this
moment. If at Dacca, then Courtin must have left him behind.]

[Footnote 127: MSS. Francais, Nouvelles Acquisitions, No. 9361. This
is unfortunately only a copy, and the dates are somewhat confused.
Where possible I have corrected them.]

[Footnote 128: Calcapur, the site of the Dutch Factory. See note, p.
64.]

[Footnote 129: From a map by Rennell of the neighbourhood of Dacca
it appears that the French Factory was on the River Bourigunga.
There are still several plots of ground in Dacca town belonging to
the French. One of them, popularly known as Frashdanga, is situated
at the mouth of the old bed of the river which forms an island of
the southern portion of the town; but I do not think this is the
site of the French Factory, as the latter appears to have been
situated to the west of the present Nawab's palace.]

[Footnote 130: Now used in the sense of messengers or office
attendants.]

[Footnote 131: Orme says (bk. viii. p. 285) that Courtin started
with 30 Europeans and 100 sepoys. From Law's "Memoir" we see that M.
de Carryon took 20 men to Cossimbazar before Law himself left. This
accounts for the smallness of Courtin's force.]

[Footnote 132: Jafar Ali Khan married the sister of Aliverdi Khan,
Siraj-ud-daula's grandfather.]

[Footnote 133: I think he must mean the mouth of the Murshidabad
River.]

[Footnote 134: Courtin means the lower ranges of the Himalayas,
inhabited by the Nepaulese, Bhutiyas, etc. His wanderings therefore
were in the districts of Rungpore and Dinajpur.]

[Footnote 135: Sinfray, Secretary to the Council at Chandernagore,
was one of the fugitives who, as mentioned above, joined Law at
Cossimbazar.]

[Footnote 136: Assaduzama Muhammad was nephew to Kamgar Khan, the
general of Shah Alam. _Holwell. Memorial to the Select Committee_,
1760.]

[Footnote 137: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2859, No. 246.]

[Footnote 138: Orme says the Fort was on the River Teesta, but
Rennell marks it more correctly a little away from the river and
about fifteen miles south of Jalpaiguri.]

[Footnote 139: These guns Courtin calls "pieces a la minute." The
proper name should be "canon a la suedoise" or "canon a la minute."
They were invented by the Swedes, who used 3-pounders with improved
methods for loading and firing, so as to be able to fire as many as
ten shots in a minute. The French adopted a 4-pounder gun of this
kind in 1743. The above information was given me by Lieut.-Colonel
Ottley Perry, on the authority of Colonel Colin, an artillery
officer on the French Headquarters Staff.]

[Footnote 140: This squadron, under the command of Mons. Bouvet,
actually did arrive.]

[Footnote 141: This rebellion was really conducted by Ukil Singh,
the Hindoo _Diwan_ of Hazir Ali.]

[Footnote 142: Mir Jafar, Jafar Ali, Mir Jafar Ali Khan, are all
variations of the name of the Nawab whom the English placed on the
throne after the death of Siraj-ud-daula.]

[Footnote 143: Law says that the French soldiers who wandered the
country in this way were accustomed to disguise themselves as
natives and even as Brahmins, when they wished to avoid notice.]

[Footnote 144: A kind of native house-boat.]

[Footnote 145: A heavy gun fired from a rest or stand.]

[Footnote 146: A ditch or ravine.]

[Footnote 147: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2901, No. 374.]

[Footnote 148: A thick quilt used as a covering when in bed, or
sometimes like a blanket to wrap oneself in.]

[Footnote 149: Orme MSS. India XL, p. 2915, No. 417.]

[Footnote 150: Bengal Select Com. Consultations, 22nd February,
1758.]

[Footnote 151: I have not been able to identify this place.]

[Footnote 152: A boatman.]

[Footnote 153: See note, p. 88.]

[Footnote 154: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2923, No. 432.]

[Footnote 155: Orme MSS. India XL, p. 2926, No. 438.]

[Footnote 156: This expression is characteristically Indian, and is
used when any one, finding himself oppressed, appeals to some great
personage for protection.]

[Footnote 157: The Nawab's flag was the usual Turkish crescent.]

[Footnote 158: Another Indian expression. The last resource against
oppression or injustice in India is to commit suicide by starvation
or some violent means, and to lay the blame on the oppressor. This
is supposed to bring the curse of murder upon him.]

[Footnote 159: This means simply that the Raja was not an
independent ruler. The sovereign owning all land, _land revenue_ and
_rent_ meant the same thing.]

[Footnote 160: This seems to want explanation. Probably Courtin had
got into some sort of house used for religious ceremonies, such as
are often found in or close to the market-places of great
landowners.]

[Footnote 161: He probably refers to Mr. Luke Scrafton.]

[Footnote 162: I.e. from his entrenchments.]

[Footnote 163: "Courtin and his party arrived here the 10th. They
are 6 soldiers, Dutch, German and Swede, such as took service with
the French when our Factory at Dacca fell into the hands of Surajeh
Dowleit, 4 gentlemen, some Chitagon (_sic_) fellows and about 20
peons. Courtin, on his way hither, has, by mischance, received a
ball through his shoulder. They demanded _honneurs de la guerre_,
which Drake has not understood" (_Scrafton to Clive, March_ 12,
1758).]

[Footnote 164: According to Orme, Courtin's force was reduct from 30
to 11 Europeans, and from 100 to 30 sepoys.]

[Footnote 165: The manuscript I translate from contains only the
postscript of the 10th of August.]

[Footnote 166: A translation. Clive generally wrote to French
officers in their own language.]

[Footnote 167: Such honours were not uncommonly granted. Law was
made a Colonel, so was another French partisan named Madec. On the
other hand, when a French gentleman had the choice, he often put his
elder son in the Company's service and the younger in the army.
Law's younger brother was in the army. Renault's elder son was in
the Company and the younger in the army.]

[Footnote 168: Appended to "Bengal Public Proceedings," May 31,
1759.]

[Footnote 169: I do not know whether this "Memorial" still exists,
but see "Memoirs of Count Lally," p. 53.]

[Footnote 170: "Memoirs of Count Lally," p. 367.]




  INDEX

  Abdulla Khan
  Admiralty, the English
  Aeneas
  Afghan General, the
    _See_ Abdulla Khan
  Agra
  Ahmed Khan Koreishi
  Alamgir II., Emperor, assassinated November 29, 1759
  Ali Gauhar
    _See_ Shah Alam
  Aliverdi Khan
    his opinion of Europeans
    sister of
  Allahabad
  Amina Begum, mother of Siraj-ud-daula
  Anquetil du Perron, M.
  Anti-Renaultions
  "Arabian Nights"
  Archives, French
  _Areca-nut_
  Armenian officers
  Armenians
  _Arz-begi_ (Gholam Ali Khan)
  _Arzi_
  _Asiatic Annual Register_
  Assaduzama Muhammad, Raja of Birbhum
  Assam, King of
  Audience Hall, the
  Augustine Father
  Aurengzebe

  Bahadur Singh
  Bahar
    _See_ Bihar
  _Bajarow_
  Balasore
  Bandel
  Bankers, influence of Indian
  Banowra River
  Barber, a native
  Battle of the 5th of February
  Becher, Mr. Richard
  Beinges, M.
  Benares
  Bengal
    Nawabs of
    records
    revolution in
    rivers of
  Bengali merchant
  Berhampur
  _Betel_
  Bettiah, Raja of
  Bhagulpur
  Bhutiyas
  Bibi Lass
    _See_ Mrs. Law
  Bibliotheque Nationale
  Biderra, battle of
  Bihar, Hindu Rajas of
    map of south
    province of
    town of
  Birbhum
    Raja of _See_ Assaduzama Muhammad
  Bisdom, Adrian, Director of the Dutch in Bengal
  Black Hole, the
  Bloomer, Lieut.
  Boissemont, M.
  Bombay
  Bourigunga River
  Bouvet, M.
  Brahmins
  Brayer, Ensign
    M., one of Courtin's companions
  Brereton, Lieut. William
  _Bridgewater_, H.M.S. (Captain Smith)
  British. _See_ English
    civilians
    Museum, MS. Department
  Broome, Captain A., Author of the "Rise and Progress of the
    Bengal Army" (Calcutta, 1850)
  Budge Budge, battle of
  Bugros, M.
  _Bukshi_
  Bulwant Singh, Raja of Benares
  Bundelkand or Bundelcund
  Bussy, M.
  _Buxerries_

  Caillot, or Caillaud
  Calcapur
  Calcutta
    English Council at
  Calve, M.
  Cannon balls of clay
  Cantanagar, battle of
  Capitulation of Chandernagore, dispute as to terms of
  Capucins, church of
  Carnac, Major John
  Carryon, M. le Comte de
  Carvalho, Jeanne. _See_ Mrs. Law
  Cause of Siraj-ud-daula's attack on the English
  Chambon, M
  Chandernagore
    booty taken at
    cemetery at
    council at
    deserters from
    garrison of
    possibility of its capture by English land forces alone
    terms of capitulation of
  Chatrapur
  _Chauth_
  Chevalier, M.
  Chinese
  Chinsurah
  Chittagong
  Choquova
  Christian clerks
  Christians
  Chunargarh
  _Chunam_
  Chupra or Chapra.
  Cicero
  Civil Power, the
  Clive, Lieut.-Colonel Robert (Lord Clive)
  Coja Wajid
  Colbert, M.
  Colin, Catherine
    Colonel
  Coote, Captain (Sir) Eyre
  Coromandel, Coast of, _See_ Madras Coast
  Cossimbazar
  Cossimbazar River
  Courtin, Francois,
    Jacques Ignace
  Courtin, Mrs.
    _See_ Madame Direy
  Courtin's Memorial
  Cuddalore
  Cudmore, Lieut. John
  Cuttack

  Dacca;
    Council at;
    Government College at;
    Nawab of;
    Palace of present Nawab
  _D'Aillot_, powders
  D'Albert, M. le Chevalier
  Dana Shah
  Danes
  Dangereux, M.
  Davis, Mr.
  Debelleme, M. le Capitaine
  De Carryon, M. le Comte
  Deccan
  De Kalli, M.
  Delabar, M.
  De la Bretesche, M.
  Delamotte, Mr. John
  De la Vigne Buisson;
    M. le Capitaine;
    jun.
  De Leyrit, M.
  Delhi
  De Montorcin, M.
  Desbrosses, M.
  Deserters, English;
    French
  Desjoux, M.
  De Terraneau, Ann.;
    Lieut. Charles Cossard;
    senior
  De Tury;
    M., Commandant of Chandernagore
  D'Hurvilliers, M.
  Dido
  Dinajpur;
    Raja of
  Dinapur
  Direy, Madame, _See_ Mrs. Courtin
  _Diwan_
  Doctor, French
  Doidge, Mr.
  Drake, Roger, jun.;
    President of the Council at Calcutta
  Droguet, M.
  Dubois;
    M., French Company's servant;
    M., Sturgeon Major
  Du Cap, M.
  Dupleix, Marquis
  Du Pre, M.
  Durbar, The
  _Dustuck_
  Dutch;
    Director. _See_ M. Bisdom;
    Octagon, the

  East India Company, English;
    Forces
  East India Company, French
  Elephants, gentleness of
  Engineers, want of
  England
  English;
    _See_ British;
    agent of;
    ladies at Dacca;
    Records;
    trade privileges of
  Eunuchs
  Europe
  Europeans
  Europeans, generosity and courage of,

  Fakir, _See_ Dana Shah
  Farmers of estates,
  Farukhabad,
  _Faujdar_,
  Fazl-kuli-khan,
  Feringhees,
  _Firman_,
  Fleurin, M.,
  Forde, Colonel,
  Fort Bourgogne,
    d'Orleans,
    William,
  Fournier, M.,
  France,
    King of,
  Frashdanga,
  French,
    civilians,
    ladies,
    mistaken for Muhammadans,
    proverb,
    soldiers,
    up-country factories,
  Fringuey Raja,
  Fullerton, Dr. William,
  Fulta,

  Ganges river, _See_ Hugli River
  Gaya,
  Gentiles, or Gentoos,
  Germans,
  Ghazipur,
  Gholam Husain Khan,
  Gourbin, M.
  Gourlade, M.,
  Grand Monarque, the,
  Great Britain,
    King of,
  _Gunge_,
  _Gunny_,

  _Hackerys_,
  Haillet, M.,
  Hardwicke, Lord,
  Hazir Ali Khan,
  Hey, Lieut.,
  Himalayas,
  Hindu advisers of the Nawab,
  Hindu Rajas,
    women, ill-treatment of--by Siraj-ud-daula,
  Hindus, the,
  Hindustan,
  Holkar,
  Holwell, John Zephaniah, Governor,
  Honours of war,
  Hugli, Faujdar of, _See_ Nand Kumar
    fort,
    River,
    town,

  Imad-al-Muluk, Ghazi-ud-din Khan,
  India,
    Southern,
  Indian expressions, characteristic,
    minds, motives of,
    ways of business,
  Indies, The,
  Indrapat, Raja of Bundelkand,
  _Inhabitants_,
  Innocent, or Innocent Jesus,
  Ironside, Colonel Gilbert,
  Ives, Surgeon Edward, author of "A
    Voyage from England to India in
    1754, with, a narrative of the operations
    of the squadron and army in
    India, under Watson and Clive,
    1755-1757; Also a Journey from Persia to England," (London, 1799)

  Jafar Ali Khan.
    _See_ Mir Jafar Ali Khan
  Jagat Seth, family of
    _See_ Seths
  Jalpaiguri
  Jats, the
  _Jemadars_
  Jesuit Church, the
    Fathers, the
  Jobard, M.
  Jugdea
    _See_ Luckipore
  Jusserat Khan, Nawab of Dacca

  Kaffirs
  Kamgar Khan
  Karical
  Kasim Ali Khan, Nawab of Bengal
    _See_ Mir Kasim
  Kasim Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore
  _Kent_, H.M.S.
  Kerdizien, M.
  Khodadad Khan Latty
  Kilpatrick, Major James
  King
    _See_ Mogul
  _Kingfisher_, H.M.S.
  Kissendas, son of Raj Balav
  Knox, Captain Ranfurlie
  Kooti Ghat
  Koran, the

  La Haye, M.
  Lal Dighi
  Lally, Count
    Memoirs of
  Laporterie, M.
  La Rue, M.
  Latham, Captain
  Launay, M.
  La Ville Martere, M.
  Law, Jacques Francois
    Jean, of Lauriston
    Madame Jeanne
    John, of Lauriston, the Financier
    William
  Law's Memoir
  Le Conte Dompierre
  Lee, Corporal
  Le Noir, M.
  Le Page, M., Second Surgeon
  Locusts
  Luckipore
    _See_ Jugdea
  Lucknow
  Lynn, Captain

  McGwire, Mr. William
  Madec, Colonel
  Madras
    Coast
    _See_ Coromandel
  Malleson, Colonel G.B., Author of "History of the French in India
    from the Founding of Pondicherry in 1674 to the Capture of that
    Place in 1761" (London, 1868)
  Manik Chand, Raja
  _Manjhi_
  Maratha Commander
    Law's altercation with
    General, the
  Marathas
  Martin, Captain
  Martin de la Case, Ensign
  Matel, M.
  Midnapur
  Militarism
  Minchin, Captain George, Captain-Commandant of Calcutta
  Mir Abdulla
  Miran, son of Mir Jafar
  Mir Daood, brother of Mir Jafar, and Faujdar of Rajmehal
  Mir Jafar Ali Khan, made Nawab by the English after Plassey
  Mir Kasim, or Kasim Ali Khan, son-in-law and successor of Mir Jafar
    army of
  Mir Madan
  Mogul
    _See_ King
  Mohan Lal, favourite of the Nawab
  Monsoon
  Moor hostages
    nobles
  Moorish colours
    forts
    soldiers
    treachery
  Moors
  Muhammadhans
  Murshidabad
    _See_ Muxadabad
    or Cossimbazar River
  Murshid Kuli Khan
  Mustapha Ali Khan
  Mutinies
  Muxadabad
    _See_ Murshidabad

  _Naib_
  Nand Kumar, Faujdar of Hugli
  Native indifference to the quarrels of the Europeans
  _Nautch_
  Naval officer, an English
  Nawab, the
    _See_ Siraj-ud-daula
    Hindu advisers and servants of
  Nawajis Muhammad Khan, uncle of Siraj-ud-daula
  Nawajis Muhammad Khan's widow
  Nazir Dalal, the
  Negroes
  Nepaulese
  Neutrality in the Ganges
  News from Bengal
  Nicolas, M.F.
  Nover, Sergeant
  Nullah

  Omichand
  Onofre, Reverend Father
  Oppoor
  Orissa
  Orme Papers or MSS.
  Orme, Robert, historian
  Oudh
    Nawab of. _See_ Suja-ud-daula

  Pagodas or Hindu Temples
  Paris
  _Parwana_
  Pathans
  Patna
    Naib of
    River
  _Pattamar_
  Pavilion, Bastion du
  Pearkes, Mr. Paul Richard
  Pedro
  _Peons_
  Perry, Lieut.-Colonel Ottley
  Phulbari
  Picques, M.
  Pilots, French
  Plassey, battle of
  Pocock, Admiral (Sir) George
  Pondicherry
    Superior Council of
  Porte Royale, the
  Portuguese half-castes
  Predestination
  Priest, Hindu
  Probate Records (Mayor's Court, Calcutta)
  Prussian Gardens
  Purneah
    Nawab of. _See_ Saukat Jang

  Raj Durlabh Ram, Raja
  Rains, the
  Raj Balav, Raja
  Rajas, Hindu
  Rajmehal
    Faujdar of.
    _See_ Mir Daood
  Ramnarain, Raja, Naib or Deputy Governor of Patua
  Ram Nath, Raja of Dinajpur
  Ranjit Rai, agent of the Seths
  Raymond, M.
  Renault, Pierre, Director of Chandernagore (Malleson calls him
    Renault de St. Germain, but he never signs himself as such)
  Renault, de St. Germain, eldest son of Pierre Renault
  Renault, Lieut., second son of Pierre Renault
  Renault, de la Fuye, M.
  Renaultions, the
  Rennell, Major James, geographer
  _Rezai_,
  Royal Music, the
  Rungpore
    Raja of. _See_ Kasizn All Khan

  Sahibgunj, Raja of
  Saidabad.
  _Saint Contest_, the
  St. Didier, M.
  St. Louis, Order of
    Parish Church of
  Salabat Jang
  _Salisbury_, H.M.S.
  Sarfaraz Khan, Nawab of Bengal, defeated and killed in battle
    by Aliverdi Khan in 1742
  Saukat Jang, Nawab of Purneah and cousin of Siraj-ud-daula
  Scrafton, Mr. Luke, Author of "Reflections on the Government
    of Indostan" (London, 1770)
  Scrafton's "Reflections"
  Select Committee at Calcutta
    at Madras
  Sepoys, 10. _See_ Telingas
    French
    Law's opinion of
  Serampore, Danish Settlement
  Seth Mahtab Rai, grandson of Jagat Seth
  Seth Sarup Chand, grandson of Jagat Seth
  Seths, agent of
    _See_ Ranjit Rai
  Seths: the family of Jagat Seth
  Shah, Alam
    _See_ Ali Gauhar
  Shahzada or Crown Prince
    _See_ Shah Alam
  Sheikh Faiz Ulla
  Sinfray, M.
  Siraj-ud-daula
    _See_ Nawab
    cause of his attack on the English
    his aunt, widow of Nawajia Khan
    his mother
      _See_ Amina Begum
    his younger brother
      _See_ Fazl-kuli-khan
  Slippers, a pair of
  Sooty
  Soupy, fort of
  Speke, Captain
  Spies employed by the English,
    by the Nawab
  Suan, battle of
  Subah
  Suja-ud-daula, Nawabof Oudh
  Summer, Mr. William Brightwell
  Surgeons, French
  Swedes
  Swedish guns
  Swiss

  Tangepur, or Tanjipur,
  Tanks used for military purposes
  Tartars
  Teesta River
  Telingas or Tellingees
  Tibet
    king of,
  Toby, Captain--of the _Kingfisher_
  Tooke, Mr. William
  Topasses
  Treaty between the English and Mir Jafar
    between the English and Siraj-ud-daula
    between the French and Siraj-ud-daula
  Turkish Crescent, the
  _Tyger_, H.M.S.

  Ukil Singh

  Vansittart, Governor Henry
  Vernet, M. George, Lodewjk
  Villequain, M.
  Vizir, The
  Volunteers, English
    French

  _Wakils_
  Walcot, Clive Correspondence at
  Waller, Mr. Samuel
  War, Declaration of, between England and France
  Water Gate, the
  Watson, Admiral Charles
  Watts, Mrs. Amelia
    the Worshipful Mr. William

  Zemindar, collector of revenue


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