The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao,
by Fay-Cooper Cole


This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org





Title: The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao
       The R. F. Cummings Philippine Expedition


Author: Fay-Cooper Cole



Release Date: April 28, 2006  [eBook #18273]
Most recently updated: May 30, 2006

Language: English

Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII)


***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WILD TRIBES OF DAVAO DISTRICT,
MINDANAO***


E-text prepared by Carl D. DuBois



Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this
      file which includes the original illustrations.
      See 18273-h.htm or 18273-h.zip:
      (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/1/8/2/7/18273/18273-h/18273-h.htm)
      or
      (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/1/8/2/7/18273/18273-h.zip)


Transcriber's note:

      The Table of Contents and the List of Illustrations were added
      by the transcriber. The text refers to 76 photographic "PLATES,"
      but the source copy contained only the first. Two of the
      illustrations were labeled "FIG. 26;" I have labeled them
      FIG. 26A and FIG. 26B.





Field Museum of Natural History.
Publication 170.
Anthropological Series Vol. XII, No. 2.

THE WILD TRIBES OF DAVAO DISTRICT, MINDANAO

by

FAY-COOPER COLE
Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology

The R. F. Cummings Philippine Expedition

George A. Dorsey
Curator, Department of Anthropology







[Frontispiece:] TRIBAL MAP OF DAVAO DISTRICT



Chicago, U. S. A.
September, 1913




CONTENTS

  I. THE BAGOBO.
 II. BILA-AN.
III. KULAMAN.
 IV. TAGAKAOLO.
  V. ATA.
 VI. MANDAYA.
     CONCLUSION



ILLUSTRATIONS

   Plate 1. TRIBAL MAP OF DAVAO DISTRICT

   FIG. 1.   SHELL BRACELET.
   FIG. 2.   NECKLACE OF RATTAN OVERLAID WITH FERN AND ORCHID CUTICLE.
   FIG. 3.   BRASS ANKLETS WORN BY THE WOMEN.
   FIG. 4.   TYPES OF BRASS BRACELETS.
   FIG. 5.   EAR STRETCHERS.
   FIG. 6.   WOMAN'S EAR PLUGS.
   FIG. 7.   LITTLE GIRLS' PUBIC SHIELDS.
   FIG. 8.   THE "STOVE."
   FIG. 9.   BAMBOO PLATE RACK.
   FIG. 10A. RICE MORTAR.
   FIG. 10B. PEDESTAL WHICH REACHES TO THE GROUND.
   FIG. 10C. CIRCLE OF CORN HUSKS PLACED SO AS TO PREVENT GRAIN FROM
             FALLING OUT.
   FIG. 10D. WOODEN PESTLE.
   FIG. 11.  COCOANUT SHELL SPOONS WITH WOODEN HANDLES.
   FIG. 12.  TAMBARA OR BASKET-LIKE RECEPTACLE IN WHICH OFFERINGS
             ARE MADE.
   FIG. 13.  RICE WINNOWER.
   FIG. 14.  INCISED LIME AND TOBACCO TUBES.
   FIG. 15.  SPEARS USED IN FIGHTING AND HUNTING.
   FIG. 16.  CHICKEN SNARE AND CARRYING CASE.
   FIG, 17.  BOWS AND ARROWS.
   FIG. 18.  BLOW GUNS AND DARTS.
   FIG. 19.  BAMBOO FISH TRAP.
   FIG. 20.  (LEFT) FOUR-POINTED FISH SPEAR.
   FIG. 21.  (RIGHT) FISH LURE.
   FIG. 22.  TYPES OF WEAVING USED IN BASKETRY.
   FIG. 23.  TYPES OF WEAVING USED IN BASKETRY.
   FIG. 24.  TYPES OF WEAVING USED IN BASKETRY.
   FIG. 25.  COCOANUT SCRAPER.
   FIG. 26A. STAGES IN THE MANUFACTURE OF METAL BELLS.
   FIG. 26B. STAGE IN THE MANUFACTURE OF METAL BELLS.
   FIG. 27.  HEMP MACHINE.
   FIG. 28.  SUGAR CANE PRESS.
   FIG. 29.  RICE PLANTER WITH BAMBOO CLAPPER ATTACHED TO TOP.
   FIG. 30.  CARRYING FRAME.
   FIG. 31A. FRONT OF AN OBLONG SHIELD.
   FIG. 32B. BACK OF AN OBLONG SHIELD.
   FIG. 33.  TAW-GAU OR BAMBOO GUITAR.
   FIG. 34.  REALISTIC PATTERNS IN BEADS AND SHELL DISKS.
   FIG. 35.  COOKING POT AND COVER.
   FIG. 36.  WOMEN'S COMBS.
   FIG. 37.  A. WOMEN'S EAR PLUGS. B. MEN'S EAR PLUGS.
   FIG. 38.  BOWS, ARROWS AND QUIVER FROM LAKE BULUAN REGION.
   FIG. 39.  BOWS AND ARROWS IN COMMON USE.
   FIG. 40.  PITCH STICK USED IN THE CAPTURE OF SMALL BIRDS.
   FIG. 41.  DESIGNS EMBROIDERED ON MEN'S CLOTHING.
   FIG. 42.  DESIGNS EMBROIDERED ON MEN'S CLOTHING.
   FIG. 43.  PART OF A HEMP CLOTH PILLOW COVER.
   FIG. 44.  WATERPROOF BASKET WITH INFITTING TOP.
   FIG. 45.  MAN'S KNIFE AND SHEATH.
   FIG. 46.  TAMBOLANG OR BAMBOO TRUMPET.
   FIG. 47.  MEN'S HATS.
   FIG. 48.  WOMAN'S COMB.
   FIG. 49.  EAR PLUGS WITH BELL PENDANTS.
   FIG. 50.  GOURD RICE HOLDER.
   FIG. 51.  BIRD SNARE.
   FIG. 52.  WOODEN SHIELDS.
   FIG. 53.  SILVER BREAST ORNAMENTS.
   FIG. 54A. TO 54H. DESIGNS REPRESENTING THE HUMAN FORM.
   FIG. 55A. TO 55H. CROCODILE DESIGNS.
   FIG. 56.  CROCODILE DESIGN.
   FIG. 57.  DESIGN USED IN WEAVING.
   FIG. 58.  INCISED DESIGNS ON A BAMBOO LIME HOLDER.
   FIG. 59.  CLOTHES HANGER.
   FIG. 60.  EMBROIDERED DESIGNS ON JACKTES[sic] AND CARRYING BAGS.
   FIG. 61.  EMBROIDERED DESIGNS ON JACKTES[sic] AND CARRYING BAGS.
   FIG. 62.  TOBACCO POUCHES.




PREFACE.

The material presented in this paper was obtained, for the most part,
during a stay of seven months among the tribes of Davao District in
Southern Mindanao of the Philippine Islands. Previous to this I had
spent a like period studying the Bukidnon, of the North-Central part of
the Island, and while thus engaged, had penetrated to within about fifty
miles of the Gulf of Davao. In order to trace migrations, relationships,
and trade routes, it was determined to continue the work from the Gulf
coast toward the interior. In pursuance of this plan I went to Davao in
July, nineteen hundred and ten.

All information to be secured from publications, settlers, or natives
was to the effect that there were at least fourteen distinct tribes to
be met with in the Gulf region. The preliminary reconnaissance of the
field made it plain that the earlier classifications were greatly at
fault. Several divisions recognized as tribes were found to be only
dialect groups, while others differing in no essential respects from one
another secured names from the districts in which they resided. It was
also found that in recent years there had been a considerable movement
of the hill people toward the coast, and that in some places they had
penetrated and established themselves in the territory formerly held by
other tribes.

The capture of slaves, intermarriage, and trade between the groups have
been powerful influences in obliterating tribal lines, thus adding
further confusion to the classification of the people.

The field offered so much of interest that I determined to make detailed
studies of the various tribes encountered. The work progressed
satisfactorily for seven months, when a severe illness caused me to
leave the tropics for a time, at least. As a result the work with the
Gulf tribes is still far from complete. The tribes living on or near the
upper waters of the Agusan river and north of Compostela were not
visited, and, hence, will not be mentioned here, while certain other
divisions received only scant attention. No attempt is here made to
treat of the Christianized or Mohammedanized people, who inhabit a
considerable part of the coast and the Samal Islands, further than to
indicate their influence on the wild tribes. Both have settled in Davao
District in historic times, and have taken many native converts into
their villages. From these settlements new ideas, types of garments, and
industries have spread toward the interior, while the extensive slave
trade carried on by the Moro has had a marked effect on all the tribes
with whom they have come in contact.

In the preparation of this paper I have, so far as possible, drawn on
the knowledge of others to fill in the gaps in my own notes. In spite of
this the information on certain groups is still so scanty that this can
be, at best, only a sketch. It is offered at this time in the hope that
it may serve as a help to other anthropologists who may plan to visit
this most interesting field.

I wish here to extend my thanks to the various civil and military
authorities who gave me valuable assistance; also to Captain James
Burchfield, H. S. Wilson, James Irwin, Otto Hanson, William Gohn, Henry
Hubbell, and Juan de la Cruz, planters, whose wide knowledge of, and
acquaintance with the interior tribes made possible my work in many
localities.

It is a pleasure and a duty to acknowledge the assistance rendered by my
wife, who accompanied me throughout my Philippine work. Her presence
made it possible to secure the complete confidence of the hill people,
and thus to gain an insight into their home life which otherwise would
have been impossible. A large part of the material here presented,
particularly that relating to the women, was gathered by her and many of
the photographs are from her camera.

The dialects spoken by the tribes of central and southern Mindanao are
to be dealt with in a separate publication, so that at this time I shall
merely give a brief description of the characters appearing in the
native names used in this paper. The consonants are pronounced as in
English, except _r_ which is as in Spanish. _c_ is used as _ch_ in
_church_, _~n_, which occurs frequently, is a palatal nasal. There is no
clear articulation and the stop is not present, but the back of the
tongue is well up on the soft palate.

The vowels are used as follows:
_macron-a_ like _a_ in _father_
_macron-e_ like _a_ in _fate_
_macron-i_ like _i_ in _ravine_
_macron-o_ like _o_ in _note_
_macron-u_ like _u_ in _flute_
_a_, _e_, _i_, _o_, _u_, short of the above.

[Transcribers' note: The macron-over-vowel orthographic symbols have
regretfully been irreproducible in this document.]

_E_ is a sound between the obscure vowel _e_, as _e_ in _sun_, and the
_ur_ in _burrow_.

The dipthongs[sic] are _ai_ like _ai_ in _aisle_, _au_ like _ou_ in
_mouse_, or final Spanish _ao_ as in _carabao_, _ei_ like _ei_ in
_eight_, _oi_ as in _boy_, also _Eu_, _eu_, etc.

FAY-COOPER COLE,
Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology.
CHICAGO, September, 1913.



I. THE BAGOBO.

SYNONYMS:

(a) GUIANGA, GUANGA, GULANGA

(b) OBO

(c) TIGDAPAYA

(d) ETO

HABITAT.

The west coast of Davao Gulf between Daliao and Digos is dotted with
small villages, the inhabitants of which are largely Bagobo who have
been converted to the Christian faith and have been induced to give up
their mountain homes and settle in towns. Back of this coast line rise
densely timbered mountain peaks, lateral spurs from which often
terminate in abrupt cliffs overlooking the sea. From other peaks
extensive grass covered plains slope gently down nearly to the water's
edge. Deep river canons cut between these mountains and across the
plains, giving evidence of active erosion for a long period of time. If
these mountain chains and river courses are followed back it is found
that they all radiate from one stupendous mass, the center of which is
Mt. Apo, the highest mountain in the Philippines and reputed to be an
active volcano. Near to its summit is a deep fissure from which, on
clear mornings, columns of smoke or steam can be seen ascending, while
the first rays of the rising sun turn into gold, or sheets of white, the
fields of sulphur which surround the cone.

Along the lower eastern and southern slopes of this mountain and its
tributary peaks live the wilder branch of this tribe, whose traditions,
religious observances, and daily life are closely related to the
manifestations of latent energy in the old volcano.

NUMBER.

The exact number who fall under this classification is not known,
Governor Bolton, who was intimately acquainted with the wild tribes of
the District, estimated their number at sixty-five hundred, but this
count did not include the sub-division here given as Obo. One
enumeration, made by a Jesuit missionary, places the population at
fifteen thousand, while the Government report of 1900 gives them
eighteen thousand four hundred. The latter estimates are certainly
excessive. It is probable that they were determined by compiling the
population of villages reported to exist in the interior.

The wilder members of this tribe are, to a certain extent, migratory,
moving their villages from one location to another according to the
demands of their mode of agriculture. Their rice fields are made in
mountain-side clearings, and as the ever present cogon grass[1] begins
to invade the open land they substitute sweet potatoes or hemp. In time
even these lusty plants give way to the rank grass, and the people find
it easier to make new clearings in the forest than to combat the pest
with the primitive tools at their command. This results in some new
fields each year, and when these are at too great a distance from the
dwellings the old settlements are abandoned and new ones formed at more
convenient locations.

[1] _Imperata koenigii_.

It is probable that the total number belonging to this tribe does not
exceed ten thousand persons.

INFLUENCE OF NEIGHBORS:--HISTORY.

The influence of the neighboring tribes and of the white man on the
Bagobo has been considerable. The desire for women, slaves, and loot, as
well as the eagerness of individual warriors for distinction, has caused
many hostile raids to be made against neighboring tribes. Similar
motives have led others to attack them and thus there has been, through
a long period, a certain exchange of blood, customs, and artifacts.
Peaceful exchange of commodities has also been carried on for many years
along the borders of their territory. With the advent of the Moro along
the sea coast a brisk trade was opened up and new industries introduced.
There seems to have been little, if any, intermarriage between these
people, but their relations were sufficiently close for the Moro to
exert a marked influence on the religious and civil life of the wilder
tribe, and to cause them to incorporate into their language many new
words and terms.

The friendly relations with the Moro seem to have been broken off upon
the arrival and settlement of the Spaniards in Davao. The newcomers were
then at war with the followers of Mohammed and soon succeeded in
enlisting the Bagobo rulers in their cause. A Chinese plate decorated
with the picture of a large blue fish was offered for each Moro head the
tribesmen presented to the Spanish commander. The desire for these
trophies was sufficient soon to start a brisk trade in heads, to judge
from the number of these plates still to be seen among the prized
objects of the petty rulers.

After the overthrow of Moro power on the coast, Jesuit missionaries
began their labors among the Bagobo, and later established their
followers in several villages. In 1886 Father Gisbert reported eight
hundred converts living in five coast towns. Following the conflict
between Spain and the United States, and during the subsequent
insurrection, these villages were left without protection or guidance.
As a result, large numbers of the inhabitants retired to the hills where
they were again merged with their wilder brothers. Naturally, they
carried with them new ideas as well as material objects. With the
re-establishment of order under American rule many returned to the
deserted villages while others were induced by Governor Bolton to form
compact settlements midway between the coast and the mountain
fastnesses. The influence of the Government has become stronger each
year, and following the human sacrifice at Talun in 1907, that powerful
village and several of the neighboring settlements were compelled to
move down near to the sea where they could be more easily controlled.

Schools have been opened in some localities and these, together with the
activities of Catholic and Protestant missionaries, are causing a rapid
change in the life and beliefs of the tribe.

The presence of American hemp planters, with the consequent demand for
laborers, is also proving an immense factor in wiping out old tribal
lines and in introducing new ideas.

Beyond a few letters written by the missionaries[2] we find scant
reference to this tribe in history, but their own traditions and
genealogies are well known even by the younger generation.

[2] BLAIR and ROBERTSON. The Philippine Islands.

According to the tribal historians the human race sprang from a man,
Toglai, and his wife, Toglibon, who lived on Mt. Apo.[3] "They were
there from the beginning, at a point near to the present settlement of
Cibolan. Many fruits grew on the mountains and the forests abounded in
game so that it was easy for them to secure food. There were born to
them children, who, when they grew up, married. One day Toglai and
Toglibon told their oldest boy and girl that they should go far away
across the ocean, for there was a good place for them. So the two
departed and were seen no more until their descendants, the white
people, came back to Davao. The other children remained with their
parents and were happy and prosperous until Toglai and Toglibon died and
went to the sky, where they became spirits. Soon after their death the
country suffered a great drought. This finally became so severe that the
water in the rivers dried up and there was no more food in the land. At
last the children were forced to leave their home and seek out new
habitations in other parts. They traveled in pairs, in different
directions, until they came to favorable locations where they settled
down. From them have sprung all the tribes known to the Bagobo. One pair
was too weak to make the journey from the drought-cursed land, and staid
at Cibolan. One day the man crawled out into the ruined fields to see if
he could not find some one thing alive, and when he arrived there he
saw, to his amazement, a single stalk of sugar cane growing lustily. He
cut it with his knife, and water began to come out until there was
enough for the couple to drink. The flow did not cease until the rains
came again to refresh the land. From these two the tribe has again grown
until it numbers its members in the thousands. The people have remained
true to their belief in the spirits, and each year has found them
stronger in numbers, and richer in houses, land, and slaves."

[3] See fuller account by author, in _Philippine Journal of Science_.
June 1911, Vol. VI, No. 3, pp. 128-9.

The genealogy of the Bagobo rulers is traced back through ten
generations. The first ruler of whom there is record was Salingolop,
during whose reign, it seems, the Spaniards first came to the
Philippines. According to the tale[4] "Salingolop was a man of great and
prodigious force, and as tall as the Lauan, which is the tallest tree in
these forests. He had three sons called Bato, Sipongos, and Calisquisan,
and a daughter named Panugutan. When the Spaniards arrived at Manila,
and found that there existed a man so tall and powerful, they sent a
battalion of soldiers. They disembarked on the shore of Bimigao near
Daron, and ascended the mountain where Salingolop lived. He was not
found, because at the time he was on the other side of the mountain
hunting wild boars, and the soldiers returned to the shore, taking
Panugutan as a hostage. Salingolop, having found out what had happened
descended the mountain alone to fight the soldiers which were there.
These fired on him, but in vain, because the balls could make no
impression. On seeing this, they dropped their rifles and with bars of
iron they struck him on the legs, trying to overthrow him. As he fell on
the side towards the sea, the noise of the waves, it is said, reached to
the Cape of San Augustin. They cut off his head and, as he lay dead,
they cut off his legs that he might not arise again. The Spaniards
returned to Manila, taking with them Panugutan; she married in Manila a
Spaniard, by whom she had two children, who later returned to these
parts and were well received, being considered not only as friends but
as brothers of the Bagobo."

[4] Recorded by P. Juan Doyle, S. J.

Salingolop was succeeded by his son Bato who, in turn, was followed by
Boas, Basian, Lumbay, Banga, Maliadi, and Taopan. Until we come to this
last mentioned ruler we learn little more of importance, but at the
beginning of his rule, we learn that the Bagobo had become a powerful
people. Under his leadership they made frequent forays into neighboring
districts and returned with many slaves and rich loot. The _datu_[5] was
noted as a brave warrior, but in addition to this he was a wise and just
ruler, greatly beloved by all his people. When he died more than one
thousand of his subjects attended the funeral which lasted ten days. On
the last day the house was decked, inside and out, with red and yellow
flowers; many valuable gifts were placed beside the corpse, and the
place was then abandoned.

[5] The Moro name for chief or ruler. The Bagobo name is _lagaimoda_ or
_matanem_, but the Moro term is in general use.

He was succeeded by his son Pangilan, whose administration, like that of
his father, was firm and just. Upon his death he bequeathed the
leadership of a united people to his son Manib. The new _datu_ did not
prove to be a great warrior and his decisions in matters of dispute were
not always just, so that bad blood arose between the people of Cibolan
and Talun. He was unable to quell the disturbances, and finally open
warfare broke out, petty chiefs of other districts throwing off his
control and ruling as _datu_. This was the condition which confronted
the present ruler, Tongkaling, when he found himself ruler of Cibolan.

The claims of leadership over all the Bagobo had never been
relinquished, but the actual power of the _datu_ outside his own
district amounted to little. Tongkaling soon established his right to
the name of a great warrior, and his people so prospered under his rule
that upon the advent of the Americans he was much the most powerful
among the several chiefs. Under the administration of Governor Bolton,
Tongkaling was officially recognized as head of the Bagobo, and with
this added prestige, he has finally succeeded in gaining recognition
from all the chiefs except those about Santa Cruz, but his actual
control over them is still very slight. He has been a consistent friend
of the Americans, but has jealously guarded his people against outside
influences, so that they are much less affected than those of other
districts. For this reason we shall, in this paper, use Cibolan as a
type settlement, but where radical differences occur in other districts
they will be noted.

PHYSICAL TYPE.[6]

[6] This subject will be treated fully in a separate publication.

An idea of the general appearance of the Bagobo can best be obtained by
a study of the accompanying photographs. Plates II-VIII.

Measurements were made on thirty-three men and fifteen women. The
maximum height of the males was found to be 164.8 cm.; minimum 149.8
cm.; with an average of 158.6 cm. For the women the maximum was 152.8
cm.; minimum 141 cm.; average 147.3 cm.

The cephalic indices of the same individuals showed 84.5 as the maximum,
74.3 minimum, and 78.8 the average for the males. The maximum for the
females was 83.1, minimum 76.2, average 80.7. The average length-height
index, taken from the tragus to the vertex, of the same persons, was
69.8--maximum 75.6, minimum 65.1 for the men; and for the women
73.1--maximum 76.6, minimum 70.2-.

The face is long, moderately broad, and the zygomatic arches are seldom
prominent. The forehead is high and full with supra-orbital ridge
slightly developed. The crown and back of the head are rather strongly
arched. The people are seldom prognathous, yet individuals are met with
who are markedly so (Plate V).

The lips are full and bowed; the chin is round and well formed. The root
of the nose is depressed; the ridge broad and generally inclined to be
concave, although straight noses are not uncommon. The nasal wings are
moderately broad and arched or swelled. The eye slits are oblique and
moderately open, showing dark or brown-black eyes. The hair is
brown-black and generally slightly wavy or loosely curled, while in some
cases it is found curled in locks. Women comb their hair straight back
and plaster it with cocoanut oil, but even this does not prevent stray
locks from creeping out. Both face and body hairs are scanty and are
generally removed, yet occasionally a man is seen who has cultivated a
few hairs into a fair semblance of a beard.

The Bagobo, while well nourished, are inclined to be of slight build,
with very narrow waists. In color they are a light reddish brown with a
slight olive tinge which is more pronounced in the women than in the
men.

In a brief summary, we can say that they are a short, slightly built,
metsati-cephalic people, with wavy hair, long faces, and broad, full
noses and lips. Individuals are met with who exhibit many of the
physical characteristics of the Negrito;[7] while still others, both in
color and facial lines, are comparable to the Chinese.

[7] Pygmy blacks of the Philippines.

DRESS--PERSONAL ADORNMENT.

No wild tribe in the Islands gives more attention to dress than does the
Bagobo. By an intricate process hemp is colored and woven into excellent
garments, which, in turn, are decorated with embroidery, applique, or
designs in shell disks and beads. The men wear their hair long and after
twisting it around the head hold it in place with kerchiefs, the edges
of which are decorated with beads and tassels.

A close fitting undershirt is often worn, and above this is an
elaborately beaded or embroidered coat which generally opens in front.
The hemp cloth trousers scarcely reach to the knee, and the bottom of
each leg is decorated with a beaded or embroidered band. Two belts are
worn, one to hold the trousers, the other to support the fighting or
working knives which each man carries. In lieu of pockets he has on his
back an elaborately beaded hemp cloth bag bordered with tassels and
bells of native casting. Highly prized shell bracelets, worn as cuffs by
some men, are made of a large, conical sea-shell (Fig. 1) the base and
interior spirals of which have been cut away. Necklaces made of rattan
strips decorated or overlaid with alternating layers of fern and orchid
cuticle (Fig. 2) are frequently seen, while many strands of beads and
carved seeds surround the necks of both men and women. Both sexes also
wear, above the calf of the leg, plaited or beaded leglets to some of
which magical properties are ascribed.

FIG. 1. SHELL BRACELET.

FIG. 2. NECKLACE OF RATTAN OVERLAID WITH FERN AND ORCHID CUTICLE.

The woman wears a jacket which is close fitting about the neck and
reaches to the skirt, so that no portion of the upper part of the body
is exposed. The cloth now used in this garment is generally secured in
trade, and in recent years decoration in applique has begun to succeed
the excellent embroidery seen on older garments. Frequently the two
types of decoration are seen on the same jacket, and to these are added
complicated designs in shell or metal disks, or beads. The narrow tube
skirt is of hemp cloth and is made like a sack with both ends open. At
the waist it is held in place by means of a cloth or beaded belt.

In addition to the many strands of beads which encircle the neck and
fall over the chest, a broad bead band is often worn over one shoulder,
passing under the opposite arm near the waist. Scarfs of colored cloth
are also worn in this manner when the ladies are on dress parade.
Leglets and brass anklets, made like tubes so as to enclose metal balls
(Fig. 3) or with bells and rattles attached, are commonly worn. The
women are fond of loading their arms with ornaments of shell or brass
(Fig. 4) and one forearm is covered with separate rings of incised brass
wire which increase in size from the centre towards the ends, forming an
ornament in the shape of an hour-glass. Their hair is generally cut so
as to leave a narrow band in front; this is brushed back, but often
falls forward on the face or in front of the ears. Back of this the hair
is kept well oiled and is combed straight to the back of the head, where
it is tied in a knot. Into this knot is pushed a wooden comb decorated
with incised lines filled with lime, or inlaid with beads. On festive
occasions more elaborate combs, with plumes or other decorations
attached, are worn. Aside from these ornaments the head is uncovered.

FIG. 3. BRASS ANKLETS WORN BY THE WOMEN.

FIG. 4. TYPES OF BRASS BRACELETS.

Men and women are seen who have their eyebrows shaved to thin lines.
This is a matter of individual taste and is done only for beauty.

Neither sex makes use of tattooing, nor do they mutilate the lips or
nose, but what they lack in these respects they make up for in ear
ornaments.

When a child is very young a small hole is pierced in the ear lobes, and
into this opening a piece of twisted banana or hemp leaf is placed.
(Fig. 5a). This leaf acts as a spring, continually enlarging the opening
until the ear plugs can be inserted. Another method, sometimes employed,
is to fill the opening with small round sticks (Fig. 5b), adding more
from time to time, until the desired result is obtained. The plugs worn
by the women are of wood, the fronts of which are inlaid with silver or
brass in artistic designs, and are connected by strands of beads passing
under the chin (Fig. 6). Large wooden ornaments are also worn by the
men, but more prized are large ivory ear plugs made like enormous collar
buttons (Plates II-IV). These are very rare, since the ivory for their
manufacture must be secured from Borneo, and by the time it has passed
through the hands of many traders it has assumed a value which limits
the possession of articles made from it to a few wealthy men. A further
method of ear adornment, frequently seen among the women, consists of
beads sewed into a number of holes which have been pierced through the
helices of the ears.

FIG. 5. EAR STRETCHERS.

FIG. 6. WOMAN'S EAR PLUGS.

Both men and women file and blacken the teeth. When a boy or girl has
reached the age of puberty, it is time that this beautifying should be
done. There is, however, no prohibition to having it performed earlier
if desired. The candidate places his head against the operator and grips
a stick of wood between his teeth while each tooth is filed so as to
leave only the stump, or is cut or broken to a point (Plate XIIa and b).
When this has been successfully accomplished, what is left of the teeth
is blackened.

The color is obtained in two ways. The more common method is to place a
piece of metal on one end of a bamboo[8] tube, the other extremity of
which rests on glowing coals. The smoke from the charring bamboo is
conducted through the tube to the cold metal on which it leaves a
deposit or "sweat." This deposit is rubbed on the teeth, at intervals,
for several days until they become a shiny black. A second method is to
use a powder known as _tapEl_ which is secured from the _lamod_ tree.
The writer did not see this tree but, from the description given of it,
believes it to be the tamarindus. This powder is put on leaves and is
chewed. During the period of treatment the patient is under certain
restrictions. He may neither drink water, cook or eat anything sour, nor
may he attend a funeral. Should he do so his teeth will have a poor
color or be "sick." When the teeth have been properly beautified the
young man or woman is considered ready to enter society.

[8] A variety known as _balakayo_ is used for this purpose.

Boys run about quite nude until they are three or four years of age.
Until about the same age the girls' sole garment is a little pubic
shield, cut from a coconut shell and decorated with incised lines filled
with lime (Fig. 7). Not infrequently bells are attached to the sides of
this "garment." When children do begin to wear clothing their dress
differs in no respects from that of their elders.

FIG. 7. LITTLE GIRLS' PUBIC SHIELDS.

SKETCH OF FUNDAMENTAL RELIGIOUS BELIEFS.

Although we shall treat religion more fully in a later paragraph, it is
desirable that we now gain an idea of those beliefs which enter
intimately into every activity of the daily life of this people.

The Bagobo believes in a mighty company of superior beings who exercise
great control over the lives of men. Above all is Eugpamolak Manobo,
also called Manama, who was the first cause and creator of all. Serving
him is a vast number of spirits not malevolently inclined but capable of
exacting punishment unless proper offerings and other tokens of respect
are accorded them. Below them is a horde of low, mean spirits who
delight to annoy mankind with mischievous pranks, or even to bring
sickness and disaster to them. To this class generally belong the
spirits who inhabit mountains, cliffs, rooks, trees, rivers, and
springs. Standing between these two types are the shades of the dead
who, after they have departed from this life, continue to exercise
considerable influence, for good or bad, over the living.

We have still to mention a powerful class of supernatural beings who, in
strength and importance, are removed only a little from the Creator.
These are the patron spirits.

Guarding the warriors are two powerful beings, Mandarangan and his wife,
Darago, who are popularly supposed to make their home in the crater of
the volcano. They bring success in battle and give to the victors loot
and slaves. In return for these favors they demand, at certain times,
the sacrifice of a slave. Dissentions[sic], disasters, and death will be
sure to visit the people should they fail to make the offering. Each
year in the month of December the people are reminded of their
obligation by the appearance in the sky of a constellation known as
_Balatik_,[9] and soon thereafter a human sacrifice doubtless takes
place in some one or more of the Bagobo settlements.

[9] Orion.

A man to come under the protection of these two deities must first have
taken at least two human lives. He is then entitled to wear a peculiar
chocolate-colored kerchief with white patterns in it. When he has killed
four he may wear blood-red trousers, and when his score has reached six
he may don a full blood-red suit and carry a sack of the same color.
Such a man is known as _magani_ and his clothing marks him as a person
of distinction and power in his village. He is one of the leaders in a
war party; he is chosen by the _datu_ to inflict the death penalty when
it has been decreed; and he is one of the assistants in the yearly
sacrifice. It is not necessary that those he kills, in order to gain the
right to wear a red suit, be warriors. On the contrary he may kill women
and children from ambush and still receive credit for the achievement,
provided his victims are from a hostile village. He may count those of
his townspeople whom he has killed in fair fight, and the murder of an
unfaithful wife and her admirer is credited to him as a meritorious
deed.

The workers in iron and brass, the weavers of hemp cloth, and the
mediums or shamans--known as _mabalian_--are under the protection of
special deities for whom they make ceremonies at certain times of the
year.

The _mabalian_ just mentioned are people--generally women past middle
life--who, through sufficient knowledge of the spirits and their desires,
are able to converse with them, and to make ceremonies and offerings
which will attract their attention, secure their good will, or appease
their wrath. They may have a crude knowledge of medicine plants, and, in
some cases, act as exorcists. The ceremonies which art performed at the
critical periods of life are conducted by these _mabalian_, and they
also direct the offerings associated with planting and harvesting. They
are generally the ones who erect the little shrines seen along the
trails or in the forests, and it is they who put offerings in the
"spirit boxes" in the houses. Although they, better than all others,
know how to read the signs and warnings sent by the spirits, yet, all of
the people know the meaning of certain omens sent through the medium of
birds and the like. The call of the _limokon_[10] is recognized as an
encouragement or a warning and its message will be heeded without fail.
In brief, every natural phenomenon and every living thing is caused by
or is subject to the will of unseen beings, who in turn can be
influenced by the acts of individuals. As a result everything of
importance is undertaken with reference to these superior powers.

[10] A dove (_Calcophops indica_). Similar beliefs held by the Tagalog
were mentioned by Juan de Plasencia in 1589. See BLAIR and ROBERTSON,
Vol. VII, p. 189.

DWELLINGS--HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS.

The houses found in the coast villages line well marked streets and
differ in few respects from those built by the Christianized natives
throughout the Islands. Even in the more isolated districts the effect
of this outside influence is marked. However, we can state with
confidence that village life is a new idea to the Bagobo. He has, from
time immemorial, built his home near to his fields, and there he and his
family reside, except during festivals or when extreme danger threatens.
At such times all go to the house of the local ruler and there unite in
the festivities or the common defense.

The smaller dwellings have but one room, the floor of which is raised
several feet above the ground and supported by many piles. A part of the
latter extend five of[sic] six feet above the floor and form supports
for the side and cross-beams. From the center of the room lighter poles
project eight or ten feet above the cross-beams and form the main
supports for the ridge timber. From beams at the end and sides of the
room similar pieces run to this central ridge; below this they are
joined together, at intervals, by means of horizontal poles and
cross-beams. To this framework are lashed strips of _palma brava_,
supports for a covering of closely laid _runo_, on which rests the final
topping of flattened bamboo. The ridge pole is always at a sufficient
height above the floor to give the roof a steep peak, and is of such
length that, at the top, the side roof overhangs the ends. The roof
generally rises in two pitches and always extends past the sides of the
room.

In house building, the roof, which is made first, is raised to the
desired height, thus serving as a shelter for the workers until the
structure is complete (Plate XIII). Resting on the cross-beams, just
below the rafters, a number of loose boards are laid to form a sort of
attic or storage room where all unused articles, and odds and ends are
allowed to accumulate.

The sides of the room, which are of flattened bamboo, are about six feet
in height, and extend only to within a foot of the roof. In the walls
small peep holes are cut so that the inhabitants can look outside
without being seen (Plate XIV).

The flooring, which is generally made of strips of _palma brava_, is in
two levels, forming a narrow elevated platform at one end of the room on
which a part of the family sleep.

The furniture of this house is very scanty. Near to the door is the
"stove" (Fig. 8)--a bed of ashes in which three stones are sunk to form a
support for the pots and jars and nearby stand a few native jars and
sections of bamboo filled with water. On a hanger above the fire may be
found articles of food, seeds, and the like, which need protection from
flies and insects. Against the wall is a bamboo rack (Fig. 9), filled
with Chinese plates, or half cocoanut shells which serve as dishes. Near
to the stove is a rice mortar standing on its own wooden pedestal which
reaches to the ground (Fig. 10).

FIG. 8. THE "STOVE."

FIG. 9. BAMBOO PLATE RACK.

FIG. 10A. RICE MORTAR.

FIG. 10B. PEDESTAL WHICH REACHES TO THE GROUND.

FIG. 10C. CIRCLE OF CORN HUSKS PLACED SO AS TO PREVENT GRAIN FROM
          FALLING OUT.

FIG. 10D. WOODEN PESTLE.

A child's cradle, made of a blanket suspended hammock-like between the
wall and a beam support, will probably be found. A few boxes and jars,
usually of Chinese make, and always a copper gong or two are regular
furnishings, while to these can be added a miscellany of clothing,
looms, spears, shields, meat blocks, spoons (Fig. 11), and the like.
Akin to furniture, since they are found in every house, are little
basket-like receptacles made by splitting one end of a bamboo pole into
several vertical strips and then weaving in other shorter horizontal
strips (Fig. 12). These are attached to walls and supporting poles, and
in them offerings are made to the various spirits.

FIG. 11. COCOANUT SHELL SPOONS WITH WOODEN HANDLES.

FIG. 12. TAMBARA OR BASKET-LIKE RECEPTACLE IN WHICH OFFERINGS ARE MADE
TO THE SPIRITS.

This is our picture of a typical home. It is not a cheery place by day,
for the lack of windows, as well as a fog of smoke from the open stove,
makes it dark and gloomy. Nevertheless, since the house offers a cool
retreat from the blazing sun, and the smoke-laden air is free from flies
and mosquitoes, it is a popular resort for all members of the family
during the hottest part of the day. The little light, which filters in
through the many cracks in the floors and walls, is sufficient to allow
the women to spin, dye, weave, and decorate their clothing, or to engage
in other activities. After dark the resinous nuts of the _bitaog_ tree,
or leaf covered resin torches are burned, and by their uncertain light
the women and men carry on their labors until far into the night.
Entrance to the dwelling is gained by means of a notched log, bamboo
pole, or by a ladder of the same material. As a protection against
strong winds many props are placed against the sides of the house, and
when large trees are available the dwellings are further secured by
being anchored to them with rattan lines.

In each settlement or district will be found one large house built on
the same general plan as the smaller dwellings, but capable of housing
several hundred people (Plate XV). This is the home of the local _datu_
or ruler. All great ceremonies are held here, and it is the place to
which all hasten when danger threatens. It is the social center of the
community, and all who desire go there at any time and remain as long as
they wish, accepting meanwhile the food and hospitality of the ruler.

A brief description of the house of Datu Tongkaling will give a good
idea of this type of structure. Except for size--the dimensions being 44
x 20 ft.--the exterior does not differ greatly from the houses already
described. A long, partially covered porch leading to the doorway is
provided with benches which are always occupied by men and boys,
loitering or engaged in the absorbing task of lousing one another. At
the far end of the room is the elevated platform, but this one is much
wider than is customary, and is intended as the sleeping place for the
warriors, or illustrious guests. As the writer and his wife were
considered, by the _datu_, as belonging to the latter class, they were
favored with this vantage spot, from which they could view and be viewed
by the whole household. Along the sides of the room are elevated
box-like enclosures in which the _datu_ and some of his wives and
daughters sleep and keep their belongings. At night the balance of the
family, including men, women, children, and dogs, occupy the floor.
Midway between the side walls and near to the elevated platform are two
decorated bamboo poles, which are raised in honor of the patron spirits
of the warriors; while in other parts of the room are baskets, hanging
altars, and other devices in which are placed offerings intended for the
spirits. In addition to the customary furnishings are hundreds of
objects testifying to the wealth of the _datu_. Clothes, boxes, dozens
of huge copper gongs, drums, ancient Chinese jars and plates, spears and
shields, beaded clothing, baskets, and last but not least--in the
estimation of the _datu_--a huge enameled advertisement of an American
brewery.

In the western part of the Bagobo district is a village known as
Bansalan. Recently its people have been induced to leave the old
settlement and build in a new location, midway between the mountains and
the sea. Here the writer found a very different type of house (Plate
XVIa). Small trees formed the uprights to which cross-beams were tied to
make the roof supports, and on these rested a final covering of _nipa_
palm. A few feet above the ground other supports were lashed and on them
strips of _palma brava_ were laid as flooring. In the few cases where
the houses were fitted with sides, strips of _nipa_ palm fastened
together with rattan were used. There seemed to be no uniform type of
dwelling, each house differing from its neighbor in number of rooms,
floor levels, or in other respects. Only one feature, the elevated
sleeping platform at one end of the house, was always found. A few miles
further inland, in the old settlement, the houses are of the type
already described in detail. The people have been practically forced to
their new location by governmental action. The new careless type of
structures seen in Bansalan probably represents, to them, temporary
structures in which they expect to remain only until a change of
governors will furnish an excuse for returning to the old location.

OTHER BUILDINGS.

Near to each farm house or settlement will be seen one or more
granaries, in which rice is stored (Plate XIV). Four poles form the
support for a rectangular base from which the sides of the structure
slope out at an angle of about 25 degrees from the perpendicular until
they meet the roof. The sides and roof are of bamboo beaten flat, the
latter covered with a topping of straw.

In the hemp fields is an occasional shed where the fiber is sometimes
stripped, but more often these buildings, thus hidden from the public
gaze, house the forges on which the smiths fashion knives and spears, or
cast the bells and betel nut boxes so dear to the heart of each Bagobo.

Aside from the shrines or altars, which we shall describe later, the
Bagobo erects no other buildings. He sometimes encloses a rice or
cornfield with a fence, but this requires no special skill in building,
since it consists of two parallel lines of uprights, between which
bamboo tubes are laid to the desired height (Plate XVIb).

FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION.

It is impossible, without including about everything edible in a
vegetable line to be found in the district, to give a full list of
foods; hence no such attempt will be made. Chief of all is the rice,
many varieties of which are grown in the mountain-side clearings.[11]

[11] Back of the coast there are no irrigated fields to be found in the
Davao District.

Next in importance is the _camote_, or sweet potato, and then follow in
the order of their importance: corn, banana, sago and cocoanut.

Fish, eels, crabs, grasshoppers, monkeys,[12] deer, pigs, and chickens
form a part of the food supply; in fact, the people seem to draw the
line at nothing but crows, snakes, mice, rats, goats, horses, dogs, and
cats. Despite the assertion of a number of worthy informants that the
last three are on the prohibited list, it is the opinion of the writer
that it is the scarcity of the supply rather than any feeling of
prejudice which causes them to be included.

[12] Some people refuse to eat monkey meat.

Salt and pepper are used as condiments. The former is secured in trade
with the coast natives and Chinese, while the latter is produced by
mashing the fruit of a small wild pepper, locally known as _katombal_.

Rice, after being allowed to dry, is stored without being separated from
the straw. When a supply is needed a bundle is laid on a piece of hide
and is beaten with a wooden pestle, wielded by a woman or a slave. This
separates the grain, which is gathered up and placed in a wooden mortar,
where it is again beaten with the pestle until the outer husk has been
loosened. To remove the chaff the rice is taken from the mortar, placed
on a flat winnowing tray (Fig. 13), and tossed and caught, until the
wind has carried away the lighter husks, thus leaving the grain free.
This is placed in a pot, a small quantity of water is added, and the
vessel is placed over the fire. Here it is allowed to remain only until
it begins to boil, when it is placed on the ashes, near enough to the
fire to keep it hot. From time to time the woman turns the jar until the
contents is cooked through, wren each grain stands out free from its
fellows.[13]

[13] This is the usual way of preparing rice throughout the archipelago.

FIG. 13. RICE WINNOWER.

Other vegetable foods are eaten raw, or are cooked with water and salt,
with perhaps the addition of a little meat broth or a sour[sic].

[Transcriber's note: "sour" should read "soup."]

Small birds and fish are cooked without other treatment than a hasty
cleaning; but the flesh of larger fowls, deer, and pig is generally cut
into small cubes and cooked with condiments in a jar or small Chinese
caldron. Birds are sometimes prepared by placing them on a spit,
covering them with green banana leaves, and suspending them above the
fire until roasted. This primitive paper bag cooking yields a most
excellent dish.

Grasshoppers are relished, and are secured in the following manner: A
clear grass spot is selected and several deep holes are dug in one end.
Back of them, and leading toward them, is a high tight fence made in a
V. By beating the grass with boughs as they walk toward the trap, the
people drive the grasshoppers before them until they are finally forced
into the pit, from which they are collected by the bushel.

I was told that meat was sometimes salted, dried, and stored away for
future use. The climate seems to be absolutely opposed to such
foresight, and the one time that I saw the process being used, the odors
were such that I beat a hasty retreat and chose to accept, without
proof, the verdict of the natives, that venison thus prepared was
excellent.

Of almost as much importance as food is the use of the betel or areca
nut,[14] which is chewed almost constantly by young and old of both
sexes. The nut is divided into quarters and a piece of _buyo_ leaf[15]
is wrapped about each bit. To this is added a little lime and a pinch of
tobacco, and it is ready for the mouth. The resultant deep red saliva is
distributed indiscriminately on the floor, walls, and furniture where it
leaves a permanent stain. To hold the materials necessary for this
practice brass betel nut boxes, secured from the Moro or of their own
manufacture, as well as plaited grass boxes and pouches are constantly
carried (Plates XVIIa and XLI). The brass boxes generally have three
compartments; the first for nuts, the second for leaves and tobacco, and
the third for lime. Lime is also carried in small bamboo tubes (Fig.
14), in the decoration of which a great deal of time is consumed. The
open end is fitted with a rattan sifter so that the powder is
distributed evenly on the nut and leaf.

[14] _Catechu L_.

[15] _Piper betel L_.

FIG. 14. INCISED LIME AND TOBACCO TUBES.

Aged persons and those whose teeth have been so mutilated that they
cannot chew, make use of an outfit which includes a small mortar and
pestle (Plate XVIIb). Cutting open green betel nuts, the chewer wraps
the pieces in leaves and, after adding a liberal supply of lime, mashes
them in the mortar until all are reduced to a soft mass.

Lime is secured by placing snail shells in a fire, from which they are
taken while hot and dropped into cold water. They can then be crushed
into powder with the fingers.

Although the Bagobo raises a considerable quantity of tobacco he seldom,
if ever, smokes it unless the leaf is furnished him, already prepared,
by an outsider. Sometimes a small ball made of the green leaves is
placed between the teeth and upper lip, where it remains until all the
flavor has been extracted.

The outfits for betel nut and tobacco, aside from the brass boxes which
fasten at the side, are generally carried in the sacks worn on the backs
of the men or in the elaborate shoulder bags worn by the women. However,
a small waterproof box is frequently seen attached to a man's belt, and
in this he carries his betel nut, tobacco, and fire-making outfit.

The usual method of making fire is by the use of flint and steel, but
when this is not at hand a flame can be quickly obtained by rubbing two
pieces of bamboo rapidly together until the friction produces a spark.

HUNTING AND FISHING.

Since only a few domesticated animals and fowls are found in a
settlement, the greater part of the meat supply is secured by hunting
and fishing.

Deer and wild pig are taken by means of spears. The hunter either lies
in wait near the runways of the game, or the animals are driven toward
the spot where the huntsmen are concealed. For this purpose the ordinary
lance (Figs. 15a, b and c) is often used, but a more effective weapon is
the spear known as _kalawat_ (Fig. 15d). In this the metal head fits
loosely into a long shaft to which it is attached by a rope. As soon as
the weapon enters the body of the animal the head pulls out of the
shaft, and this trails behind until it becomes entangled in the
undergrowth, thus putting the game at the mercy of the hunter. Dead
falls and pits are put in the runways, and a frightened animal is
sometimes impaled on concealed sharpened bamboo sticks. Less frequently,
large animals are secured by means of rope loops which hang from trees
past which the game is accustomed to pass. Until recent years the
_balatik_, a trap which when sprung throws an arrow with great force
against the animal which releases it, was much used but so many domestic
animals have been killed by it that this sort of trap is now in
disfavor.

FIG. 15. SPEARS USED IN FIGHTING AND HUNTING.

Wild chickens are captured by means of snares (Fig. 16). A tame rooster
is fastened in the jungle and around him is placed a snare, consisting
of running knots attached to a central band. The crowing of this fowl
soon attracts the wild birds which, coming in to fight, are almost sure
to become entangled in one of the nooses. Slip loops, attached to a bent
twig and released by disturbing the bait, are also employed in the
capture of wild fowl.

FIG. 16. CHICKEN SNARE AND CARRYING CASE.

Birds of all sizes are secured by use of bows and arrows, blow guns, or
nets. Wooden decoys (Plate XVIII) are tied to the branches of trees in
which the hunters are concealed. The bows used are of _palma brava_, in
each end of which notches are cut to hold the rattan bow strings (Fig.
17). The arrow shafts are of light reeds and are fitted with one or two
bamboo points. These weapons are effective only for close range, and
even then the Bagobo are far from being expert marksmen. Boys use a reed
blow gun through which they shoot light darts tufted with cotton (Fig.
18). The missile is not poisoned and is of little use at a distance of
more than twenty feet.

FIG. 17. BOWS AND ARROWS.

FIG. 18. BLOW GUNS AND DARTS.

By far the most effective means of securing birds is to stretch a net
between trees or poles where the birds are accustomed to fly. Wooden
decoys are attached to the net in order to attract the game which, once
enmeshed, is easily caught.

Various devices are employed in the capture of fresh water fish,[16] but
the most common is a torpedo-shaped trap of bamboo (Fig. 19). Stone
conduits lead the water from streams into the open ends of these traps,
thus carrying in fish and shrimps. The funnel-shaped opening has the
sharpened ends set close together so that it is quite impossible for the
prisoners to escape, although the water readily passes between the
bamboo strips.

[16] Along the coast the methods of the Christianized natives are used
in salt water fishing.

FIG. 19. BAMBOO FISH TRAP.

A hook and line is employed, especially for eels; while in clear pools
fish are secured by means of a four-pointed spear which is thrust or
thrown (Fig. 20). Perhaps the most interesting device used is a lure,
known as _boro_ (Fig. 21). A live minnow is fastened at the end of the
rod near to a rattan noose. A cord running from the noose to the end of
the stick allows the fisherman to draw up the noose as he desires. The
struggles of the captive fish soon attract others, and when one enters
the loop the line is drawn taut, securely binding the intruder. Several
fish can be taken from a single pool by this method. A berry (_anamirta
coccithis L_.) is used in the capture of fish. It is crushed to a
powder, is wrapped with vines and leaves, and is thrown into pools. The
fish become stupified[sic] and float to the surface where they are
easily captured. After being cooked they are eaten without any ill
effects.

FIG. 20. (LEFT) FOUR-POINTED FISH SPEAR.

FIG. 21. (RIGHT) FISH LURE.

OCCUPATIONS.

Mention has already been made of some of the daily occupations of the
people. We have found the women caring for the home and preparing the
rice and other foods which are served in the house. At no time did the
writer see a man, other than a slave, take any part in such household
duties; but when on the trail each would do his share in preparing the
meals. In the village we found the women and children carrying the water
and wood and, at rare intervals, doing laundry work. Instead of soaping
and rubbing soiled clothing, they soak the garments in water, then place
them on stones and beat them with wooden paddles or clubs. The articles
are alternately soaked and beaten until at least a part of the dirt has
been removed. It is also the privilege of any woman to engage in the
manufacture of basketry, or to act as a potter.

In the manufacture of baskets the woman makes use chiefly of bamboo and
rattan, though other materials, such as _pandanus_ are sometimes brought
into service. Three weaves or their variants are employed. The first is
the common diagonal or twilled weave, in which each element of the weft
passes over two or more of the warp elements. In this way most of the
rice winnowers, transportation baskets, knife sheaths, and the like are
made. In the second weave (Fig. 22), the foundation of the basket is
made up of parallel horizontal rods, or strips of bamboo. These are
laced together by warp strips which pass alternately under one and over
one of the foundation rods, crossing each other at an angle, one above
the other below the rod. The trinket baskets carried by the women, the
larger waterproof receptacles known as _binota_, and the covers for wild
chicken snares are in this technic. A variant of this weave is found in
the rattan carrying frames and in some fish traps (Fig. 23). Here the
warp strips cross one another at an angle, at each meeting place
enclosing the horizontal foundation strips. Unlike the second weave
described, the warp strips do not pass alternately above and below the
horizontal foundation, but retain the same relation to it throughout the
entire length of each strip. A coiled weave (Fig. 24) is used in the
manufacture of tobacco boxes (Plate XIX) and in the rims of women's
baskets. In this type the foundation consists of a series of horizontal
rattan strips or rods which are sewed together in the following manner.
A narrow strip _A_ passes over two of these parallel rods _2_ and _3_ in
a left handed spiral. At the top of the loop the strip passes under a
similar strip _B_ which binds rod _2_ to the one above. Passing downward
inside the basket, the strip _A_ goes beneath the strip _C_ which binds
rods _3_ and _4_ together. These are drawn tightly while damp, thus
forcing the foundation rods so closely together as to make the basket
practically water-tight. Pitch from the _tabon-tabon_ nuts may also be
rubbed over the outside surface, thus making the receptacle impervious
to water.

FIG. 22.

FIG. 23.

FIG. 24. TYPES OF WEAVING USED IN BASKETRY.

In the great majority of baskets the surface is divided into three
parallel zones or decorative bands. These are produced by making a
slight variation in the weave, by the use of blackened strips of bamboo
and rattan, or by substituting in their place the black cuticle of a
fern.

As a rule the women of this tribe are not good potters and take little
pride in their work. In some districts the art has been entirely lost,
and the people depend on the coast natives for their cooking utensils.
At the village of Bansalan the women were found still to be proficient
in their work. After the dampened clay had been carefully kneaded in
order to remove lumps and gravel, the bottom of the jar was moulded with
the fingers and placed on a dish which was turned on a bit of cloth or a
board and answered the purpose of a potter's wheel. As the dish was
turned with the right hand the operator shaped the clay with the fingers
of the left adding fresh strips of material from time to time until the
desired size was obtained. The final shaping was done with a wooden
paddle and the jar was allowed to dry, after which it was smoothed off
with a stone. When ready for firing it was placed in the midst of a pile
of rubbish, over which green leaves were placed to cause a slow fire.

Other dishes are made by splitting a cocoanut in half and removing the
"meat." This is readily accomplished by the use of a scraper fitted with
a rough iron blade (Fig. 25), over which the concave side or the half
nut is drawn. The cocoanut meat is used for food and oil.

FIG. 25. COCOANUT SCRAPER.

A little later we shall describe the active part woman takes in the
planting and care of the fields, but now we shall take up in some detail
the industry in which she stands pre-eminent, the preparation and
weaving of hemp.

The hemp ordinarily stripped by the men is considered too fine to be
used in the manufacture of clothing, so a smaller stripping device is
employed by the woman (Plate XX). On this she cleans the outer layers of
the hemp stalk, from which a stronger and coarser thread can be
obtained. The fiber is tied in a continuous thread and is wound onto a
reel. The warp threads are measured on sharpened sticks driven into a
hemp or banana stalk, and are then transferred to a rectangular frame
(Plate XXI). The operator, with the final pattern in mind, overties or
wraps with waxed threads, such portions of the warp as she desires to
remain white in the completed garment. So carefully does she wrap these
sections, that, when the thread is removed from the frame and placed in
the liquid dye, no portion of the coloring matter penetrates to the
portions thus protected. If a red color is desired the root of the
_sikarig_[17] palm is scraped and the scrapings placed in bark vats
filled with cold water. The thread is first washed in, and is later
boiled with the dye for a half hour, after which it is placed in a
basket to drain and dry. The process is repeated daily for about two
weeks, or until the thread assumes a brick red color. If a purple hue is
desired a little lime is added to the dye. Black is obtained by a
slightly different method. The leaves, root, and bark of the _pinarrEm_
tree are crushed in water. This yields a black liquor which is poured
into a jar containing the thread and the whole is placed over a slow
fire where it remains until the liquid is near the boiling point. When
this is reached the thread is removed and placed in a gourd, the open
end of which fits over the jar so as to catch the steam coming from the
dye. After a time the thread is removed and dried, and the process is
repeated until at last a permanent black is obtained. After the coloring
is complete the thread is again placed on the rectangular frame, the
over-tying is removed and the warp is ready for the loom (Plate XXII.)
In the loom (Plate XXIII) the threads encircle a bamboo pole attached to
the wall, and are held tense by a strap which passes around the waist of
the operator. The weft threads are forced up against the fabric by means
of the comber board and are beaten in with a baton. The warp threads are
held in their relative positions, first by the comber board, second by
loops which pass under the lower threads and over a small stick or lease
rod, and lastly by passing over and under, or around, other lease rods.
These are rolled away as the work progresses.

[17] _Morinda Bracteata Roxb_.

[18] Woof threads are generally of one color. A somewhat similar process
used in Java is described by SIR THOS. RAFFLES in The History of Java,
Vol. I, p. 189.

[Transcriber's note: Although footnote 2 appears on the same page as the
above paragraph, it is not clear to what particular part of that
paragraph it refers.]

After the cloth is removed from the loom it is polished. A long pole of
_palma brava_ is fitted into a notch in the roof. The operator seats
herself on the floor with a smooth board before her, or in her lap, and
on it places the dampened cloth. A shell is fitted over the lower end of
the pole, which is bent and made bowlike, until the shell rests on the
cloth. It is then ironed rapidly to and fro until the fabric has
received a high polish (Plate XXIV).

The woman's duties do not end with the manufacture of cloth, for all the
garments worn by the members of the tribe are the result of her
handiwork. She sews the strips of hemp cloth into skirts, men's
trousers, carrying bags, and sometimes into jackets. The women devote
hours of labor to these jackets, covering arms, necks, and waist bands
with colored embroidery or designs in applique, while on the better
garments they place elaborate designs in beads or shell disks.

After the evening meal is over the women of the household gather around
the flickering lights, and until far into the night work on these
garments, bead necklaces, or other ornaments.

Only a few of the weavers attempt to make the peculiar chocolate-colored
head covering worn by the _magani_. For these kerchiefs the woman weaves
a square cotton cloth of the desired size, and at one corner attaches a
small brass hook. Joined to the hook, by means of a chain, is a loop
which fits over the toes of the operator, thus enabling her to keep the
fabric taut while her hands are left free for work. Small sections of
this cloth are raised and are wrapped with waxed thread, so that when
the fabric is dyed these portions will not receive the coloring matter
(Plate XXV). Later the overtying is removed, leaving small white rings
or squares on a chocolate-colored background. These cloths are meant
primarily for the warriors, but expert weavers, who are under the
protection of a certain powerful spirit, are also permitted to wear an
upper garment of this material.

A considerable part of the man's time is consumed in preparation for, or
actual participation in, hunting or warfare, but in addition to this he
does a goodly portion of the work in the fields, and is the house
builder. When a man is about to erect a dwelling he notifies his friends
to come and aid him. This they will do without pay, but when in need of
similar services they will expect and will receive similar help. All
sorts of house-furnishings, such as spoons, meat blocks, or rice mortars
are made by the man, and not infrequently, he assists in the making or
waterproofing of baskets. A few of the old men of Cibolan still engage
in the manufacture of small shell disks with which valuable suits are
decorated, but the greater part of those now in use have been inherited,
or are purchased from neighboring peoples. The men carve beads out of
"Job's tears"[19] and make them into necklaces. For this purpose a
peculiarly carved and decorated stick is employed (Plate XXVI). This is
placed in the palm of the left hand so that the thumb and forefinger can
hold the seed which fits into a depression in the top. A knife in the
right hand of the artist is worked over the seed thus cutting a line
into which dirt is rubbed. Women's combs are made by shaping a half
circle out of light wood and then cutting teeth into it with a saw-like
blade of tin or iron.

[19] _Coix lachryma Johi L_.

Among the men, as with the women, certain industries are monopolized by
a few individuals. In this community no men stand higher in the
estimation of their fellows than do the smiths and the casters of
copper. The writer spent many hours watching I-o, the brass and copper
worker of Cibolan, while he shaped bells, bracelets, and betel boxes at
his forge on the outskirts of the village (Plate XXVII). Feathered
plungers, which worked up and down in two bamboo cylinders, forced air
through a small clay-tipped tube into a charcoal fire. This served as a
bellows, while a small cup made of straw ashes formed an excellent
crucible. The first day I watched I-o, he was making bells. Taking a
ball of wax the size of a bucket shot, he put it on the end of a stick
(Fig. 26a), and over this moulded the form of a bell in damp ashes
obtained from rice straw (b). When several bells were thus fashioned
they were dipped in melted wax and were turned on a leaf until smooth,
after which an opening was cut through the wax at the bottom of each
form (c). Strips of wax were rolled out and laid in shallow grooves
which had been cut in the sides of the bells and were pressed in, at
intervals, with a small bamboo knife (d). The top stick was then
withdrawn, leaving an opening down to the wax ball inside. Into this
hole a thin strip of wax was inserted and was doubled back on itself so
as to form a hanger (e). For three days the forms were allowed to harden
and were covered with several coats of damp straw ashes. Finally they
were laid in a bed of the same material with a thin strip of wax leading
from each bell to a central core (f). [FIG. 26] The whole, with the
exception of the top of the central wax strip, was covered with a thick
coating of damp ashes, and when this had hardened pieces of copper,
secured from broken gongs, were placed in the crucible, melted and
poured into the open end of the clay form. The molten metal took the
place of the wax as it was dissolved and flowed to all parts where it
had been. After being dropped in water the form was broken open,
revealing six nearly perfect little bells which were ready for use as
soon as the ashes were removed from them. The same method was used for
all other casting. Clay forms were made as desired, were covered with
wax, and the final coating of ashes applied before the casting. The
workers in copper and brass are under the care and guidance of a spirit,
Tolus ka towangan, for whom they make a yearly ceremony, _Gomek
towangan_.

FIG. 26. STAGES IN THE MANUFACTURE OF METAL BELLS.

FIG. 26. STAGE IN THE MANUFACTURE OF METAL BELLS.

[Transcriber's note: Two different figures on different pages are both
labeled FIG. 26.]

Of even greater importance are the smiths who are also under the care of
a powerful spirit for whom the _Gomek-gomanan_ ceremony is celebrated
each year, just prior to the planting time. Their forges are hidden away
in the hemp fields, and I was repeatedly informed that no woman might
see the smith at work. Whether or no such a rule is rigidly enforced at
all times I cannot say, but at no time did I see a woman about the forge
while the fire was burning, and although I was allowed to see and
photograph the process, my wife was at all times prevented from doing
so. The forge differs in no material respects from that used by the
brass casters, except that hollowed out logs replace the bamboo tubes,
and that a metal anvil and iron hammers are used. After an iron knife or
spear head has been roughly shaped, the smith splits the edge to a
slight depth and inserts a band of steel. The iron is pounded down on
the harder metal and the whole is brought to a white heat in the
charcoal fire. Removing it to the anvil the smith gives the blade one or
two light blows and returns it to the fire. This is repeated many times
before he begins to add the heavy strokes which finally weld the iron
and steel together. The blade having been given its final shape is again
heated and is held above a tube of water until the glowing metal begins
to turn a yellowish green, when it is plunged into the cold water. This
process, repeated many times, gives a fair temper to the whole weapon.
Charcoal for the fire is secured by burning logs and chilling them
suddenly with cold water.

Brass wire, secured in trade, is made into bracelets in the following
manner. In order to soften it and make it more easily worked the roll of
wire is heated until it begins to turn grey, when it is allowed to cool
and is scraped, so as to restore the yellow color. One end is laid on an
anvil made of an iron strip on a wooden block (Plate XXVII), and is cut
into various designs by means of metal dies. A wooden cone is used as a
form, about which the wire is placed in order to shape and measure it.

Hemp[20] grows wild in the Davao District and the Bagobo have, for
generations, used it in the manufacture of their clothing. In recent
years the demand for fiber has shown the people an easy way to secure
the trade articles which they desire and, as a result, rather extensive
plantings are found even in the more remote districts. The women strip a
large part of the fiber in local use, but all that prepared for trade is
produced by the men. When the ever-present cogon grass begins to invade
a clearing, the young hemp is planted. In about eighteen months it has
grown to a height of some sixteen feet and is ready to be cut. The man
goes to the fields, cuts down some stalks and, having removed the
leaves, splits off the outer fiber layers from the cellular matter of
the interior, using a bone knife for this purpose. When he has
accumulated a sufficient number of strips he carries them to the hemp
machine (Fig. 27). This consists of a knife which rests on a wooden
block. The handle turns on a pivot and the end is drawn upwards by means
of a bent twig, or sapling, which acts as a spring. This spring is
lowered and the knife blade raised by means of a foot treadle; a strip
of hemp is laid on the block; the foot pressure is removed, and the
knife descends. Taking a firm hold of one end of the strip, the operator
draws it toward him under the blade, thus removing the pulp and leaving
the free hemp threads. These are hung in the sun until dry, when they
are tied in bundles ready to be carried to the coast. The work is hard
and, unless necessity forces him to greater effort, a man seldom engages
in it for more than three or four days in a month. He thinks his duty
ceases with this expenditure of energy and, unless he is fortunate
enough to possess animals or slaves, is quite content to allow his wife,
or wives, to carry the product to the coast trader.

[20] _Musa textilis_.

FIG. 27. HEMP MACHINE.

During ceremonies and at festivals a fermented drink made of sugar cane
is served, and in anticipation of its pleasurable effects the Bagobo is
willing to expend a considerable amount of effort. The juice of the cane
is extracted by means of a press made of two logs arranged in parallel
horizontal positions, so that the end of a wooden lever can slip under
one and rest in a groove cut in the other (Fig. 28). The cane is placed
in the groove and the operator bears his weight on the lever, thus
squeezing out the juice. After being boiled with the bark of certain
trees and lime juice, the liquor is sealed in jars or bamboo tubes and
is stored away until needed.

FIG. 28. SUGAR CANE PRESS.

The sago palm is found in parts of the Bagobo territory, and in times of
need, the people make temporary camps near to the sago districts, where
they prepare the flour. This is done in the same manner as is fully
described on page 140.

The most important thing in the life of the Bagobo is the care of the
rice, for on this crop he depends for the greater part of his food
supply, and by its condition he can ascertain with what favor he is
looked upon by the spirits. So closely is the cultivation of this cereal
coupled with the religious beliefs that it is necessary, in this
relation, to describe the ceremonies connected with it.

We have previously stated that the incursion of the cogon grass into the
fields makes necessary some new clearings each year. In the month of
December a constellation known as _Balatik_ appears in the sky. This has
a double significance; first, it is the reminder for the yearly
sacrifice; and secondly, it notifies all workers that the tools, which
are to be used in making new clearings, shall be placed in readiness.
All those who expect to prepare new fields for themselves, or are to
assist others in such work, gather at the forge of the local smith and
there take part in a ceremony held in honor of his patron spirit. They
carry with them offerings of rice and chickens which they cook in bamboo
tubes, for food taken from a pot is not acceptable to this spirit. When
all is ready the food is placed on a rice winnower, near to the forge,
and on it the men lay their weapons and working knives (Plate XXIX).
Standing before the offering the smith, in a droning voice, calls on the
spirit, beseeching him to come and eat of the food, to accept the
weapons and tools, and having done so to be watchful over the workers
during the clearing time, so that they may not be injured in the work or
be molested by enemies. The prayer finished, the smith eats a little of
the food, and all the men follow his example, but no woman may so much
as touch this offering. Meanwhile other food which can be eaten by all
has been prepared. After the meal the weapons and tools which are to be
used during the clearing time are removed, but, as they now belong to
the spirit, they can never be disposed of without first recompensing
him. During this day there is a strict prohibition against music and
dancing. For three days the men abstain from work and the forge stands
idle. When the fire is again lighted the first knife made is the
property of the spirit.

With the ending of the period of taboo the workers go to the fields and,
in the center of each, place a _tambara_[21] fitted with a white dish
containing betel nut. This is an offering to Eugpamolak Manobo, who is
besought to drive from the field any _tigbanawa_ or _tagamaling_[22] who
may live there, to keep the workers in good health, to allow an abundant
crop, and, finally, to make the owner rich and happy. The weeds, brush,
and trees, after being cut and allowed to dry are fired, while the logs
remaining after this initial burning are piled together and again set on
fire, and the field is ready for the planting. No soil is broken and not
a seed goes into the ground until the spirits again designate the time,
by placing the constellation _Marara_ in the sky. This appears early in
April, and is followed by a period of great activity in the fields. If,
for any reason, the owner of the land cannot plant at this time, he has
two or more opportunities given him when the constellations _Mamari_ and
_Bwaya_ appear, the latter toward the end of June.

[21] See p. 66, Fig. 12.

[22] Evil spirits which are classed with the _buso_. See p. 107.

When the workers go to the field on the day set for the planting they
enter at one corner and proceed directly across it to the far left hand
corner where they erect a small house or place a _tambara_ which is
known as _pEmEg'ge_. As soon as it is complete, the _mabalian_ begin to
call on the spirits. Manama[23] is called first and after him other
spirits, according to their rank and power. They are informed that the
planting is about to begin and that the people are showing them this
mark of respect so that they will not allow anything to interfere with
the crop. This done, they go to the center of the field and place a
second _tambara_, called _parobanian_, for the spirit Taragomi, who owns
all food. Leaves pleasing to him and presents of food or bracelets are
placed in it, as well as in his _tambara_ found in the house.[24] The
owner of the field takes the _malayag_, a large variety of rice, and
plants it around the _parobanian_,[25] and as the last grain is planted
the _mabalian_ again starts her prayer, this time beginning with
Taragomi. She asks for good crops, and protection for the field from all
animals, blight and drought. Finally, she begs Eugpamolak Manobo to
control the sun and winds so that they will always be favorable to the
growing grain. Having thus done all in their power to secure the
cooperation of the superior beings the men take their rice planters and
real work begins.[26] The planter (Fig. 29) consists of a long shaft at
one end of which is a metal blade while at the other is a bamboo clapper
decorated with feathers. When this instrument is struck on the ground it
digs a shallow hole an inch or more in depth, the clapper meanwhile
keeping up an incessant noise. It is said by some that the rattle is
intended to please the guardian spirit of the fields, but this does not
seem to be the prevalent idea. The women follow the men, dropping seeds
into the holes and pushing the soil over them with their feet.

[23] Eugpamolak Manobo.

[24] At Cibolan only brass objects are placed in this _tambara_.

[25] At Digos the _mabalian_ does the planting and harvesting about the
_tambara_, and the rice grown there is reserved as seed, for the next
season.

[26] FATHER GISBERT relates that it is the custom to sacrifice a slave
at this time, but this is denied by the _datu_ consulted by the writer.
See letters of FATHER GISBERT in BLAIR and ROBERTSON, The Philippine
Islands, Vol. XLIII; pp. 233-4.

FIG. 29. RICE PLANTER WITH BAMBOO CLAPPER ATTACHED TO TOP.

At nightfall of the day in which the planting has been completed a
_mabalian_ cooks fish and rice, which she carries to the _parobanian_.
Early next morning the family goes to the field and eats this offering
which "belongs to Taragomi, so should be eaten at his house." From this
time until harvest the fields must be guarded against birds and animals,
but no further offerings take place unless unusual conditions should
satisfy the owner that the spirits are demanding more gifts. When
harvest time comes the owner and a few of his friends will go to the
field and pull a few of the fresh stalks, which they place in the
_pEmEg'ge_ and _parobanian_, meanwhile addressing the spirits, and the
cutting of the rice begins. This is done by women who, for this purpose,
employ a small knife called _gElat_ (Plate XXIXd). The last grain to be
cut is that about the _parobanian_. The _mabalian_ cooks a little of the
new rice in the house and places a part of it in the various _tambara_
and shrines; then, having placed a number of rice stalks on the floor,
she offers them one by one to the spirits. Not until she has finished
can any of the prepared food be eaten. The balance of the crop lies in
the sun until dry, when it is tied in bundles and placed in the granary.

When all the harvesting is finished the people will make a festival
known as _Gatokbia-an_, or _pakakaro_. Ordinarily each family will have
its own celebration, but at times all the inhabitants of a village will
join in one great celebration. The period of toil and doubt is past, the
food supply is assured, and the people gather to give thanks. No New
England Thanksgiving dinner is prepared with greater thought, or less
regard for expense, than that which is made ready at this time. The
finest of the rice, cocoanuts[sic], eggs, chickens, fish, shrimps, and
many other edibles are prepared and placed in certain dishes which are
dedicated to the spirits and are used only at this time. These plates
are arranged in a row in the center of the room and the _mabalian_
gather around them. Taking a wand of sandal wood in her hand one of the
number waves it over the offerings, while she chants long prayers.
Beginning with the most powerful, she addresses the spirits one by one,
thanking them for the care they have given to the growing grain and to
the laborers, and for the bounteous harvest. Frequently individuals will
interrupt the proceedings to place near to the _mabalian_ a fine knife
or some other prized object which they desire to have presented to the
spirits as evidence of their gratitude. At first, it is a little hard to
understand this lavishness, but it transpires that the former owners
still have possession of these objects, and that the spirits offer no
objections to their use, so long as their ownership is not disputed,
truly a case of eating the pie but still having it.

The knives and other implements which have been used in the fields are
laid on a large basket filled with rice, "in order that they may eat,
and, therefore, have no cause to injure their owners." Another large
dish of rice is set aside as a special offering. In some cases this is
taken out to the fields, where it is eaten by the wife, or wives of the
host; but in Cibolan it is kept in the house until the next morning,
when it is eaten by all the members of the family. The ceremonial eating
of this rice causes the supply to last longer and assures abundant rains
for the succeeding crop. Part of the food from the dishes is placed in
the _tambara_ and shrines, and then all the guests are permitted to
feast and make merry. Unlike most Bagobo ceremonies this one lacks the
music of the _agongs_,[27] for only bamboo guitars, flutes, and the
_bolang-bolang_ are permitted at this time. The last named instrument is
made by placing a board on a rice mortar; the women gather around it
with their wooden pestles and beat a rythmical[sic] tattoo. This
concludes the festival proper, but many guests will remain for two or
three days to enjoy the hospitality of their host.

[27] Copper gongs.

On the third morning after the festival the family and some friends will
celebrate _BagkEs_ "the tying together." The dishes in which food was
offered are tied together and are carried to the rice field where, with
great solemnity, the little dish in the _parobanian_ is removed and
placed among the others, while the people tell it that the other plates
have come to take it away, but that it will be returned to its home the
following year. The family goes back to the village in silence and after
tying all the dishes together place them in the rice granary.

In the Bagobo settlement at Digos, the women hold still another festival
following the cutting of the rice. This is known as _Gomeng ka
taragomi_, or _bitinbagaybe_. In the main it resembles the ceremony of
similar name, which the women of Malilla hold on the second day of
_GinEm_ (See page 111). A bamboo pole decked with leaves and green fruit
of the _areca_ palm is placed in the center of a room and is surrounded
with cooked food. After this has been offered to the spirits, it is
eaten by the guests who then indulge in dancing about the decorated
pole. This generally lasts eight days, but in one instance the
festivities continued for sixteen days and nights. The explanation given
is that "the women wish to show Taragomi and the _Nitos_ (anitos) how
happy they are because of the good harvest, for when they see this they
will be pleased and will help again next year."

TRANSPORTATION AND TRADE.

The Bagobo makes no use of boats or rafts, for until recent times he has
lived at a considerable distance from the sea; and the rivers, which
flow in deep canyons, may be changed in a day from tiny streams to
rushing torrents in which no craft could keep afloat. Left to his own
devices, he pays little attention to trails, but cuts his way through
the underbrush directly to his destination. The government has forced
him to clear and maintain several fairly good roads between the larger
settlements and the coast, and these are now the highways over which he
transports his hemp and other trade articles. Quite a number of carabao
and horses are to be found in the territory, where they are used as pack
and riding animals. Both men and women are excellent riders and take
great pride in the decoration of their mounts. The saddle used is carved
from wood, in exact duplication of those used by the Spaniards. The
copper bits are also copies, but are of native casting. Strings of bells
surround the neck of a prized animal, and it is further beautified by an
artificial forelock. Rattan whips, wound with braid, and decorated with
beads, are also a part of his trappings. According to Bagobo tradition,
they have had horses from the most remote times, and Professor
BLUMENTRITT is inclined to believe that they possessed these animals
prior to the arrival of the Spaniards. In support of this contention, he
points to the fact that, unlike most Philippine tribes, they use the
Malayan name.[28]

[28] The terms used are, _bait koda_--stallion, and _mamat koda_--mare.

[Transcriber's note: The uncontracted forms of these phrases are _bayi
ta koda'_ and _mama ta koda'_. Because _bayi_ means "female" and _mama_
means "male," the definitions of "stallion" and "mare" appear to have
been interchanged in error.]

Heavy loads of field products are transported on animals, or are carried
in cylindrical bark or rattan boxes or carrying frames (Fig. 30). Such a
receptacle is supported on the back by means of a band which passes
around the forehead, or by other bands which slip over the shoulders.
Both sexes carry loads in this way, although it must be confessed that
consideration for the members of the gentler sex has not reached such a
stage that they are relieved of any great part of such labor. When
gathering grain and forest products, or when searching for snails, the
woman attaches a small basket to her belt so that it hangs at a
convenient height against her thigh. We have previously noticed the
decorated bags and baskets which serve as pockets, and also contain the
betel nut outfits.

FIG. 30. CARRYING FRAME.

A small child is supported at the mother's hip by means of a broad sash,
which passes over the right shoulder and under the left arm. When it is
able to walk the scarf is discarded, and it sits astride the mother's
hip, where it is held in place by her left arm. Older children and the
men devote considerable time to the newcomers, but at a very early age
the youngsters begin to run about as wild and carefree as only little
savages can.

The Bagobo is a keen trader and many small articles of all kinds reach,
and pass from him through trade; and to make this barter possible he
intentionally produces an excess of certain things. Chief of these is
hemp, which he now carries to the coast traders, and for which he
receives trade cloth, iron pots, copper gongs, bells, and the beads
which he prizes so highly. In exchange for the betel boxes, bells, and
knife guards, which come from his forge, he receives shell disks,
certain articles of dress, cooking pots, and various other household
articles as well as salt and some animals. The knives made by him are in
great demand and often travel far inland. While among the Bukidnon of
the North-Central part of the Island the writer secured one blade and
guard of undoubted Bagobo workmanship. In early days, Chinese and Moro
traders brought gongs, jars, plates, and other crockery, as well as many
other articles now among the prized heirlooms of wealthy men or
occupying an important place in the ceremonial life of the tribe.
Through these same channels came the Borneo ivory of which the ear plugs
are made, while other objects from more distant regions were
occasionally brought in. Two examples of this trade are now in the
collections of the Field Museum of Natural History. One is a jacket made
from Javanese cloth; the second a belt buckle which apparently
originated in Perak.

Local feuds, as well as the desire of individuals to be known as
_magani_, have always made it unsafe for small numbers of traders to
venture to any great distance from home, and this has been a great
hindrance to trade. However, large parties, even from other tribes,
sometimes go to a village for purposes of trade, having previously
notified the inhabitants of their intentions. While in Malilla the
writer met with a party of thirty Bila-an traders who lived three days'
march to the east. The influence of capture, intermarriage, and looting,
in carrying the artifacts of one tribe into the territory of another has
previously been mentioned.

WARFARE.

The offensive weapons used by the Bagobo are spears, knives (Fig. 15 and
Plate XXXII), and at times bows and arrows (Fig. 17). For defense they
carry shields, either round or oblong (Figs. 31-32), and cover the body
with so many strips of hemp cloth that a knife thrust is warded off.
Turning his body sideways to the enemy, the warrior crouches behind his
shield, keeping up a continuous capering, rushing forward or dancing
backward, seeking for an opening but seldom coming to close quarters.
Arrows and spears are glanced off with the shield. An attack is usually
initiated by the throwing of spears, then, if the enemy is at a
disadvantage or confused, the warriors rush in to close combat. For this
purpose they rely entirely on their knives, and as fencers they are
unexcelled. They are but indifferent shots with the bow and arrow, and
that weapon is but little used in actual combat. It has been frequently
stated that these arrows are poisoned but I was unable to discover a
single specimen so prepared. When hard-pressed, or when a camp must be
made in dangerous territory, sharpened bamboo sticks--_sogiang_--are stuck
into the ground with their points directed toward the enemy. These must
be carefully gathered up by the pursuers, who otherwise run the risk of
having the knife-like blades driven into their feet. Old warriors state
that in former years they not only covered the upper part of the body
with hemp cloth but wound over this long decorated strips called
_gindua_; they also tell of coats of mail made of carabao horn or
rattan. None of these outfits exist in the territory today, but it is
not at all improbable that they were formerly in use, for the long
decorated bands are still found among the Bukidnon of the North, with
whom some trade is carried on; and a few coats of mail are to be seen
among the neighboring Moro.

FIG. 31A AND B. FRONT AND BACK OF AN OBLONG SHIELD.

FIG. 32A AND B. A.--FRONT OF A DECORATED SHIELD. B.--BACK OF SHIELD A.

Hostile raids against the neighboring Bila-an, Tagakaolo, and Ata seem
to have been common from the most ancient times. After the arrival of
the Spaniards there were many minor conflicts with the Moro, and the
tribal history takes note of several serious feuds between Bagobo
villages. Single warriors, usually those desiring to become _magani_,
sometimes enter hostile territory and there lie in wait for an
opportunity to spear a passing foe. The fact that these attacks are
frequently from ambush, or that whole families are slain while asleep on
the floors of their houses, does not seem to detract in the least from
the honor due for the deed. Generally, parties of sixty or more, under
the direction of a _magani_, are made up to avenge the death of their
townspeople, to secure loot and slaves, or to win glory and distinction.
An ambush is formed near to a hostile village and just at dawn an attack
is made on the early risers who are scattered and unprepared. The
invaders are usually satisfied with a few victims and then make their
escape. Women and children are either killed or are carried away as
slaves. It is customary for all the warriors to make at least one cut in
the bodies, and to eat a portion of the livers of enemies who have shown
great bravery, for in this way it is thought they gain in that quality.
This seems to be the only occasion when human flesh is tasted, despite
the fact that the members of this tribe have been frequently referred to
as cannibals.

The warriors of Cibolan and Malilla formerly carried heads of enemies to
their towns and made use of them during the _GinEm_ ceremony, while at
Bansalan and Digos a lock of hair, cut from the head of the slain,
answered the same purpose. Individual raiders sometimes carry home a
head or a hand as evidence of a successful fight, and at such times
festivals may be held to celebrate the event. However, the trophy soon
loses its value and is hung or buried at a distance from the village.
Head-hunting for the sake of the trophy itself, does not exist here.

Peace can be effected by means of a blood compact known as _dayandi_.
Each principal cuts his own wrist until the blood flows freely; this he
catches in his free hand and offers to the other participant to drink.
Sometimes the blood of both is caught and mixed in a dish from which
they drink, meanwhile addressing the _tigyama_,[29] saying, "We are now
like brothers, like children of the same parents, and now we cannot
fight any more. We ask you to be the witnesses."

[29] See p. 107. [Transcriber's note: 12 pages later in this document.]

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION.

There seems to be no trace of clan or totemic grouping among the Bagobo.
Blood relationship is traced as far as the second cousin and is a bar to
marriage. The suggestion that a man might marry his mother-in-law was
received with horror, but whether this was due to local mother-in-law
stories or to an idea of relationship could not be ascertained. However,
a man may marry the sister of his wife.

Each district has its head man, or petty _datu_ who is supposed to be
subject to the _datu_ of Cibolan. This seems actually to have been the
case until a few years ago, when some of the local rulers withdrew their
allegiance. The office is hereditary and usually passes from the father
to his eldest son. Should the _datu_ be without an heir, or the son be
considered inefficient, the under chiefs and wise old men may choose a
leader from among their number.

In his own district the power of the _datu_ is very great, but even he
is obliged to respect the laws and customs handed down by the ancestors.
He is supreme judge in all matters, though he may, if he desires, call
in the old men to help him decide difficult cases. The usual method of
punishment is by means of a fine. Should the culprit be unwilling or
unable to pay he is placed in servitude until such a time as the debt is
considered canceled, but should he refuse to serve he is killed without
further ado. The _datu_ appoints a man for this purpose, and he usually
gets his victim by stealth, either by waylaying him in the road or by
driving a spear through him as he lies asleep on the floor of his house.
When a fine is levied the _datu_ retains a portion as pay for his
services; if the more drastic punishment follows it serves to emphasize
his power and is more valuable to him than the payment. When his house
needs repairing, his hemp requires stripping, or his fields need
attention, his followers give him assistance. In return for these
services he helps support a number of fighting men who can always be
called upon for the defence of the people. His house is considered the
property of all to the extent that anyone goes there at any time and
stays as long as he pleases, partaking meanwhile of the _datu's_ food.
In times of danger, or during festivals, all the people assemble there
and assist, in the defense or the merry-making.

Datu Tongkaling is the most industrious man in the tribe. He does not
hesitate to work in the rice fields, to aid in the house-building or to
take his turn at the forge, neither will he tolerate any loafing on the
part of his followers. While in most instances he mingles freely with
his people he never eats with them. His wives, children, and guests eat
from a long row of dishes set on the floor, but the _datu_ takes his
food alone at a considerable distance from the others.

The balance of the people can be roughly divided between freeman and
slaves, but slavery here is of such a mild type, and the members of that
class become so quickly merged into the tribe that the lines cannot be
closely drawn. Women and children secured in raids become the slaves of
their captors, and may be bought and sold, or pass by inheritance, like
other property. It is considered proper for a man to live with his slave
without marrying her, but should she become pregnant she is usually
given her freedom at once; if not then, she is certain to be upon the
death of her master, while her offspring are free and legitimate heirs.
Children born to a slave couple remain in their class, as do those born
to a slave mother and a man not her master. These slaves are treated
with kindness and consideration and seldom try to make their escape. In
fact it is often difficult to pick out the members of this class from
the other members of the family.

The chief aim in life of the man is to have the right to wear the
blood-red clothing and to be known as _magani_. As stated earlier in the
paper, this term is applied to a man who has killed two or more persons.
He is then entitled to wear the peculiar chocolate-colored head covering
(Plate XXV). When his score has reached four he can don blood-red
trousers, and when he has six lives to his credit he is permitted to
wear the complete blood-red suit and to carry a bag of the same
color.[30] From that time on his clothing does not change with the
number of his victims, but his influence increases with each life put to
his credit. It is said that formerly, at Digos and Bansalan, a man who
had killed twenty or more was known as _gemawan_, and was distinguished
by a black hemp suit. This claim to the black clothing is no longer
respected, and such garments are worn by any who desire them. The man
who has never killed a person is called _matalo_, a rather slighting
term signifying one who has no desire to fight but remains at home with
the women. A man who kills an unfaithful wife and her admirer may count
the two on his score. He may also count those of his townspeople whom he
has killed in fair fight, but unprovoked murder will be punished by the
death of the offender. The candidate for _magani_ honors may go to an
unfriendly town, or to a neighboring tribe, and kill without fear of
censure from his own people.

[30] This is the rule at Cibolan. At Malilla and Digos, the kerchief may
be worn when one life has been taken, the trousers for two, the coat for
three, and finally the sack for four.

[Transcriber's note: _matalo_ in the paragraph above means "coward."]

The _magani_ is one of the leaders in a war party; he is chosen to
inflict the death penalty when it is decreed, and it is men of this
class that assist in the human sacrifices. He is under the special
protection of Mandarangan and Darago, and all petitions to these
powerful spirits must be made through him. His clothing is considered
the property of these spirits, and when such specimens were secured for
the collection, the wearer would invariably place the garment beside
some prized article, such as a knife or spear, then taking a green betel
nut would rub the garment and object, meanwhile beseeching the spirits
to leave the one and enter the other. Later the nut was placed in the
_tambara_ belonging to those spirits. A father may not bequeath to his
son the right to the red clothing; and such articles, together with his
weapons, should be buried with him. Should one not entitled to these
garments dare to make use of them, the spirits would straightway cause
his body to swell or turn yellow, and he would die.

In a previous paragraph we mentioned the unorganized priesthood, the
members of which are known as _mabalian_. Men are not barred from this
profession, but the greater number of its members are old, or
middle-aged, women.[31] A woman may live the greater part of her life
without an idea of becoming a member of this order, and then suddenly be
warned in dreams, by visions, or by other _mabalian_ that she has been
chosen by the spirits. The one thus elected becomes a pupil of a
qualified _mabalian_ and for several months will be drilled in the
duties of that office. She will be taught the medicines to be used at
certain times,[32] the duties of a midwife, the correct method of
building shrines and conducting ceremonies, and finally, she will learn
the prayers with which the spirits should be addressed. It seems to be
the belief that, at times during the ceremonies, the _mabalian_ may be
possessed by a spirit and that she then speaks not as a mortal but as
the spirit itself. She also knows how to weave and dye the turban worn
by the _magani_, and because of this accomplishment is considered to be
under the protection of Baitpandi,[33] and is permitted to wear garments
made of red cloth, the same as the _magani_.

[31] There are five _mabalian_ in Cibolan, all of whom are women past
middle life.

[32] A medicine is used with the idea that it assists in driving away
evil influences.

[33] The patron spirit of the weavers.

The workers in the various crafts are under the guidance and protection
of special spirits, but there is no bar against other members of the
tribe entering those professions.

Apparently then, Bagobo society is divided into several classes or
divisions, but with the exception of a few individuals in the slave
class, there is a possibility or an opportunity for each member of the
tribe to enter any class open to his or her sex. Even a slave woman may
become the wife of a _datu_, and her son may assume the leadership of
the tribe.

LAWS. PROPERTY AND INHERITANCE.

The laws of the people are those imposed by custom and religion, and are
equally binding on all classes. Public opinion is sufficient to prevent
most crimes; the fear of offending the spirits is a further deterrent;
while the final bar is the drastic punishment meted out by the _datu_.
Theft is punished by the levying of a fine if the culprit is able to
pay, or by a term of servitude if he has no property. If a husband finds
that his wife has been unfaithful, he should kill both her and her
admirer, but the spear with which he avenges his wrongs should be left
in the body of one of the victims, as a sign that the murder was
provoked by the fault. When this is done the husband cannot be held
accountable either to the _datu_ or to the dead person's relatives. If,
however, he withdraws the weapon, the brothers or other male relatives
of the deceased have a right and a duty to avenge the deaths. A man who
has killed his wife and her lover is allowed to count both on his score
towards becoming a _magani_--a further incentive for him to avenge his
wrongs. Cases are known where the husband accepted payment for his
wife's affections, but it was considered a sign of weakness, or
cowardice, and the man lost caste. Unprovoked murder of one from the
same or a friendly village is punished by death.

A man having illicit relations with a slave woman, not his own, is
subjected to a heavy fine or a term of servitude. Incest should be
punished by the death of the culprits for should such a crime go
unpunished the spirits would cause the sea to rise and cover the land.
Datu Tongkaling claims that on two occasions, since he became ruler, he
has put such offenders to death. In the first case he had the couple
bound and thrown into the sea, while in the second instance, they were
tied to trees in the forest and sacrificed in the presence of all the
people of the village.

Prohibitions exist against the wearing of the clothing which
distinguishes warriors and priestesses, and there are rules governing
the conduct of individuals while near shrines or during ceremonies, but
punishment for the breaking of these rules is meted out by the spirits
rather than by the _datu_.

Each settlement is recognized as having property rights to all adjacent
lands. Within these recognized limits, its members may take up as much
land as they need, provided it is not already in use, but when a field
is, for any reason, abandoned it again becomes the property of the
community. Individual ownership extends to houses, furnishings, and all
articles of clothing, as well as to weapons, traps, animals, and slaves.
Although bought with a price the wife is still very independent and has
undisputed rights to her baskets, cooking utensils, looms, and to the
finery with which she adorns her person.

Since all the people assist in the support of the _datu_ they consider
his home to be, to a certain extent, their own and make use of it and
its furnishings without question.

Probably at no place in the world has borrowing gone to greater extremes
than here. When attempting to purchase clothing, or articles in daily
use, the writer frequently found that not a single garment worn by an
individual was his own; and it was usually necessary to consult several
persons in order to secure a complete outfit.

Upon the death of a man, his property is taken in charge by his first
wife, or by the old men, and is divided equally among his wives and
children, with perhaps a little extra added to the share of the first
mate. The belongings of a free-born woman go to her children, or, in
case she is barren, are given to her relatives. In cases where both the
parents are dead, the children pass into the care of the father's
family.

Despite the fact that property is owned by individuals, a large part of
the labor, especially in house-building and in the fields, is done in
common. When a man desires to clear or plant a field or to build a
house, he summons his friends to aid him and they respond with no idea
of payment other than their food and drink, and the return of like
services when they are in similar need.

BIRTH.

For about six months before and after the birth of a child the mother is
relieved from hard labor; she is not allowed to taste of any thing sour,
neither may she eat dried fish or flesh, lest her child be thin and
weak. The father is under no restrictions other than that he is expected
to remain near to his home for a few days following the birth of a
child. Other action on his part would be considered by the spirits as an
admission that he does not care for the child, and they would cause the
umbilical cord to decay so that the child would die. The mother is
delivered in the regular dwelling, where she is attended by two or more
midwives or _mabalian_.[34] She is placed with her back against an
inclined board, while in her hands she holds a rope which is attached to
the roof. With the initial pains, one of the midwives massages the
abdomen, while another prepares a drink made from leaves, roots, and
bark, and gives it to the expectant woman. The preparation of this
concoction was taught by friendly spirits, and it is supposed to insure
an easy delivery. Still another _mabalian_ spreads a mat in the middle
of the room, and on it places valuable cloths, weapons, and gongs, which
she offers to the spirits; praying that they will make the birth easy
and give good health to the infant. The articles offered at this time
can be used by their former owners but as they are now the property of
the spirits they must not be sold or traded. The writer was very anxious
to secure an excellent weapon which had been thus offered. The user
finally agreed to part with it but first he placed it beside another of
equal value, and taking a piece of betel nut he rubbed each weapon with
it a number of times, then dipping his fingers in the water he touched
both the old and the new blades, all the time asking the spirit to
accept and enter the new weapon. The child is removed by the _mabalian_
who, in cutting the umbilical cord, makes use of the kind of knife used
by the members of the child's sex, otherwise the wound would never heal.
The child is placed on a piece of soft betel bark, "for its bones are
soft and our hands are hard and are apt to break the soft bones," then
water is poured over it and its body is rubbed with _pogonok_.[35] The
afterbirth is placed in a bamboo tube, is covered with ashes and a leaf,
and the whole is hung against the side of the dwelling where it remains
until it falls of its own accord or the house is destroyed. In Cibolan
the midwife applies a mixture of clay and herbs called _karamir_ to the
eyes of all who have witnessed the birth "so that they will not become
blind." Having done this she gives the child its name, usually that of a
relative, and her duties are over. As payment she will receive a large
and a small knife, a plate, some cloth, and a needle.[36]

[34] In Cibolan the midwife is called _taratEk-Ekn_, and need not be a
_mabalian_.

[35] A medicine made of bark and rattan.

[36] The payment given at the birth of a boy is somewhat greater than
that for a girl.

In Malilla the naming does not take place until three clays after the
birth, and the eyes are not always anointed, although the old people
agree that it is an ancient custom and "a good thing to do." At that
time the mat containing the gifts is spread on the floor and the
offerings are again called to the attention of the spirits, who are
urged to look to the welfare of the child. Should the infant be ailing,
or cry a great deal, it is a sign that the spirits are displeased with
the name given to it and another will be substituted; however, this does
not seem to be done with an idea of fooling the spirits, as is the case
with some other tribes. The child is nursed until two or three years of
age, or until another takes its place. There is no superstition
concerning twins, but triplets are at once put to death by filling their
mouths with ashes, otherwise "the parents would die, for they are like
dogs."

When questioned concerning abortion, Datu Tongkaling asserted that he
considered it "very bad," and that he would prohibit any _mabalian_ who
assisted in such a practice from continuing her profession, but he said
that despite his orders secret medicines which produce that result are
sometimes administered. Such a practice is not common, however, as
children are greatly desired and no worse slur can be applied to a woman
than to speak of her as barren.

So far as could be learned there is no ceremony or celebration of any
kind when a child reaches the age of puberty but soon thereafter its
teeth will be filed and blackened. In some villages the boys are
circumcised, but the practice is not compulsory, neither is it general
throughout the territory.

MARRIAGE.

Marriage among the Bagobo takes place much later than is common among
most Philippine tribes, the couple often being eighteen or twenty years
of age. As a rule the parents of the boy select the girl and negotiate
the match. Going to the house of the girl they casually broach the
subject and if her parents are favorable, a day is set to discuss the
details. This meeting is attended by the friends and relatives of both
families, and two head-men or _datu_ must also be present to represent
the contracting parties. The price the girl should bring varies
according to the wealth of the interested parties and the
accomplishments of the bride. Whatever the sum paid, the father of the
girl must make a return present equal to one-half the value of the
marriage gift "so that he does not sell his daughter like a slave."
Usually marriage does not take place until a year or more after this
settlement, and during the interval the boy must serve his father-in-law
to be. When the time for the final ceremony arrives the relatives and
friends assemble and for two or three days they feast and make merry. A
_mabalian_ spreads a mat on the floor, places on it many valuable
articles and then offers all to the spirits, in order that they may be
pleased to give the couple a long and prosperous life together. Finally,
she puts a dish of rice on the mat and, after offering it to the
spirits, places it between the boy and the girl as they sit on the
floor. The girl takes a handful of the rice and feeds it to the boy who,
in turn, feeds her, and the ceremony is complete. The couple may then go
to their new home, but for several years the girl's family will exact a
certain amount of service from the groom.

A slight variation of the usual order occurred recently at the marriage
of one of Datu Tongkaling's sons. At that time all the details were
arranged by the _datu_, who, accompanied by his son and a number of
relatives, went to the girl's house and proposed the union. After the
girl had brought wine, betel nut, and food, and had placed them before
the visitors, she was directed by her mother to make a carrying bag for
her lover. Had she objected to the union and refused to make this gift,
her decision would probably have been accepted as final and all
negotiations abandoned. However, it is not customary for the young
people to refuse to carry out the wishes of their elders. As the girl
offered no objections, the party fell to discussing the price the groom
should pay, and finally, after several hours of bargaining, decided that
he should furnish her father with one _agong_,[37] one horse, and a
double betel box.[38] Five days later, when he paid this sum, he
received a return gift of one _agong_ and ten skirts from the bride's
mother. About one-half the value of the groom's gift was distributed
among the girl's relatives, who were at the same time admonished that,
in case a separation should occur, they would be expected to return an
equal amount. In the presence of about a hundred friends, the pair drank
wine from the same dish, then submitted to having a little hair cut from
their heads, and were pronounced man and wife. Before they retired for
the night the _mabalian_ combed their hair, then, having directed the
groom to precede his bride to their sleeping place, she secured a child
and placed it on the mat between the pair. This, she explained, was an
old custom, and was done so that the girl might not be ashamed, for she
was not the first to sleep there. Having finished this duty, she
returned to the center of the room and placed a number of plates and a
knife on the _tambara_, where they were allowed to remain for four days
as offerings to the _anito_, Manama, Toglai and the _tigyama_.[39] At
the end of that period the plates were attached to the outside walls of
the house, and the knife returned to its former owner. This completed
the duties of the _mabalian_ who returned home carrying an _agong_, the
payment for her services.

[37] Large copper gong.

[38] Much more is often given. One girl in Cibolan brought six horses,
five agongs, and several spears and knives.

[39] See p. 107. [Transcriber's note: 5 pages after this.]

A man may have as many wives as he desires and can afford, but he may
not take a second mate until a child has been born to the first union,
or the wife has been proved beyond doubt to be barren. The groom renders
no services to the father of the second wife, but instead of this pays a
double price for the girl, for he not only pays her parents but is
forced also to give a like sum to his first wife, who, in turn, presents
it to her father. Should a third wife be added to the family a sum equal
to her cost is divided among the earlier wives. The first wife is
generally the lady of the house and does not particularly object to
having other girls added to the family, provided they are willing to
obey her. Datu Tongkaling has had four wives, three of whom are still
living.

If a couple cannot agree, a separation can be arranged by applying to
the local head-man, who, after listening to their troubles, decides
which one is at fault, and whether or no the marriage gifts must be
returned. When a couple parts, plates, bowls, and jars are sometimes
broken as a sign that they will never live together again and the
spirits are thus called to witness. A divorced woman may remarry, but
unless the sum originally paid for her has been returned, the new groom
must pay such an amount to the first husband.

SICKNESS AND DEATH.

In case of illness a _mabalian_ administers some simple remedy without
any call on the spirits. If, however, the sickness does not yield
readily to this treatment, it is evident that the trouble is caused by
some spirit who can only be appeased by a gift, Betel nuts, leaves,
food, clothing, and some article in daily use by the patient are placed
in a dish of palm bark and on top of all is laid a roughly carved figure
of a man. This offering is passed over the body of the patient while the
_mabalian_ addresses the spirits as follows. "Now, you can have the man
on this dish, for we have changed him for the sick man. Pardon anything
this man may have done, and let him be well again." Immediately after
this the dish is carried away and hidden so that the sick person may
never see it again, for should he do so the illness would return.

According to Father GISBERT a doll is carved from a piece of wood and
the spirit is addressed: "O God, Thou who has created men and trees, and
all things, do not deprive us of life, and receive in exchange this bit
of wood which has our face."

In obstinate cases the invalid may be removed from his own house to
another, in order that he may be under the care of the good spirits
residing there. The _mabalian_ appplies[sic] certain medicines and then
decrees a period of taboo, during which no outsiders may enter the
house. Those within at the time the medicine was given may go out if
they desire, but must return there to sleep. Should it become evident
that the patient will die he is taken back to his own place, otherwise
his family would be called upon to reimburse the owner of the house in
which the death occurs, for bringing evil or unfriendly spirits into
their dwelling.

Governor Bolton describes a somewhat different procedure among the
members of the Guianga branch of this tribe. Having learned that Datu
Angalan was ill he went to see him, but found his house deserted. The
_datu_ was finally located in a small hut about a hundred yards away
from his own dwelling, with no attendants. The governor writes, "When I
went in the tribesmen entered. I soon found that I had broken a charm
which prevented anyone seeing him for a certain time; that he had been
placed in the hut for that reason, and to insure his not dying in the
large house. It is likely that they had a human sacrifice at that
time."[40]

[40] Extract from letters of Gov. Bolton, in files of the Governor at
Davao.

Following a death the body is covered with good clothing and is placed
in the middle of the house. Wailers sit by the corpse, fanning it to
keep away flies, or making an occasional offering of food; while the
friends gather to talk of the virtues of the deceased, to console the
family, and to partake of the food and drink which has been provided for
the gathering. The body is kept over one night, and in the case of great
personages, for three days, or until the coffin--a large log split in
halves and hollowed out--is prepared. When this is ready the body is
placed in it, together with some prized articles of the deceased. After
the top has been fitted to the lower portion, they are lashed together
and the cracks are filled with lime.[41] The body is buried beneath the
house, and the grave is protected by a bamboo fence, within which is
placed food, small offerings, or perhaps a shield and spear. In some
instances the coffin is allowed to remain in the house, which is then
abandoned. It is said that when Datu Taopan died his funeral lasted ten
days, and on the last day the house was decked, inside and out, with
flowers and valuable gifts, and was then deserted.

[41] When the deceased has been a person of note the coffin is sometimes
decorated or colored. The coffin of a _magani_ should be red, yellow,
and black; while that of a _mabalian_ should be yellow, black, and
brown.

Following the burial the family lives in the house where the death
occurred until a human sacrifice has been made. During this period they
live very quietly, eat poor food, wear old clothing, and abstain from
all amusements. If their wealth permits, they may shorten the period of
mourning by making a special sacrifice, but in most cases the bereaved
will wait until the yearly sacrifice when they will purchase a share in
the victim and thus remove the taboo. Following the offering, the old
house is abandoned and is allowed to fall to pieces for "the man has
gone and his house must go also." The procedure is the same for women,
and for children who have survived infancy.

BELIEFS CONCERNING THE SOUL, SPIRITS, ORACLES, AND MAGIC.

There is some variance, in different parts of the Bagobo area, in the
beliefs concerning the spirits or souls of a man. In Cibolan each man
and woman is supposed to have eight spirits or _gimokod_, which dwell in
the head, the right and left hands and feet, and other parts not
specified. At death these _gimokod_ part, four from the right side of
the body, going up to a place called _palakalangit_, and four descending
to a region known as _karonaronawan_.These places differ in no respects
from the present home of the Bagobo, except that in the region above it
is always day, and all useful plants grow in abundance. In these places
the _gimokod_ are met by the spirits, Toglai and Tigyama, and by them
are assigned to their future homes. If a man has been a _datu_ on earth,
his spirits have like rank in the other life, but go to the same place
as those of common people. The _gimokod_ of evil men are punished by
being crowded into poor houses. These spirits may return to their old
home for short periods, and talk with the _gimokod_ of the living
through dreams, but they never return to dwell again on earth.

In the districts to the west of Cibolan the general belief is that there
are but two _gimokod_, one inhabiting the right side of the body, the
other the left. That of the right side is good, while all evil deeds and
inclinations come from the one dwelling on the left. It is a common
thing when a child is ill to attach a chain bracelet to its right arm
and to bid the good spirit not to depart, but to remain and restore the
child to health. In Malilla it is believed that after death the spirit
of the right side goes to a good place, while the one on the left
remains to wander about on earth as a _buso_,[42] but this latter belief
does not seem to be shared by the people of other districts.

[42] See p. 107.

Aside from the _gimokod_ the Bagobo believe that there exists a great
company of powerful spirits who make their homes in the sky above, in
the space beneath the world, or in the sea, in streams, cliffs,
mountains, or trees. The following is the list related by Datu
Tongkaling, a number of _mabalian_, and others supposed to have special
knowledge concerning these superior beings.

I. Eugpamolak Manobo, also called Manama and Kalayagan. The first and
greatest of the spirits, and the creator of all that is. His home is in
the sky from whence he can observe the doings of men. Gifts for him
should be white, and should be placed above and in the center of
offerings intended for other spirits. He may be addressed by the
_mabalian_, the _datu_, and wise old men.

II. Tolus ka balakat, "dweller in the _balakat_[43]." A male spirit who
loves the blood, but not the flesh of human beings, and one of the three
for whom the yearly sacrifice is made. Only the _magani_ may offer
petitions to him. He is not recognized by the people of Digos and
vicinity.

[43] A hanger in which offerings are placed.

III and IV. Mandarangan and his wife Darago. This couple look after the
fortunes of the warriors, and in return demand the yearly sacrifice of a
slave. They are supposed to dwell in the great fissure of Mt. Apo, from
which clouds of sulphur fumes are constantly rising. The intentions of
this pair are evil, and only the utmost care on the part of the _magani_
can prevent them from causing quarrels and dissentions[sic] among the
people, or even actually devouring some of them.

V. Taragomi. A male spirit who owns all food. He is the guardian of the
crops and it is for him that the shrine known as _parobanian_ is erected
in the center of the rice field.

VI. Tolus ka towangan. The patron of the workers in brass and copper.

VII. Tolus ka gomanan. Patron of the smiths.

VIII. Baitpandi. A female spirit who taught the women to weave, and who
now presides over the looms and the weavers.

IX. and X. Toglai, also called Si Niladan and Maniladan, and his wife
Toglibon. The first man and woman to live on the earth. They gave to the
people their language and customs. After their death they became
spirits, and are now responsible for all marriages and births. By some
people Toglai is believed to be one of the judges over the shades of the
dead, while in Bansalan he is identified with Eugpamolak Manobo.

XI. Tigyama. A class of spirits, one of whom looks after each family.
When children marry, the _tigyama_ of the two families unite to form one
who thereafter guards the couple. While usually well disposed they are
capable of killing those who fail to show them respect, or who violate
the rules governing family life.

XII. Diwata. A class of numerous spirits who serve Eugpamolak Manobo.

XIII. Anito. A name applied to a great body of spirits, some of whom are
said formerly to have been people. They know all medicines and cures for
illness, and it is from them that the _mabalian_ secures her knowledge
and her power. They also assist the _tigyama_ in caring for the
families.

XIV. Buso. Mean, evil spirits who eat dead people and have some power to
injure the living. A young Bagobo described his idea of a _buso_ as
follows: "He has a long body, long feet and neck, curly hair, and black
face, flat nose, and one big red or yellow eye. He has big feet and
fingers, but small arms, and his two big teeth are long and pointed.
Like a dog he goes about eating anything, even dead persons." As already
noted, the people of Malilla are inclined to identify the _gimokod_ of
the left side with this evil class.

XV. Tagamaling. Evil spirits who dwell in big trees.

XVI. Tigbanua. Ill disposed beings inhabiting rocks and cliffs in the
mountains. These last two classes are frequently confused with the
_buso_.

In addition to these, the old men of Malilla gave the following:

1. Tagareso. Low spirits who cause people to become angry and to do
little evil deeds. In some cases they cause insanity.

2. Sarinago. Spirits who steal rice. It is best to appease them,
otherwise the supply of rice will vanish rapidly.

3. Tagasoro. Beings who cause sudden anger which results in quarrels and
death. They are the ones who furnish other spirits with human flesh.

4 and 5. Balinonok and his wife Balinsogo. This couple love blood and
for this reason cause men and women to fight or to run amuck.

6. Siring. Mischievous spirits who inhabit caves, cliffs, and dangerous
places. They have long nails and can be distinguished by that
characteristic. They sometimes impersonate members of the family and
thus succeed in stealing women and children, whom they carry to their
mountain homes. The captives are not eaten but are fed on snakes and
worms, and should they try to escape the _siring_ will scratch them with
their long nails.

Other spirits were named and described by individuals, but as they are
not generally accepted by the people of the tribe they are not mentioned
here.

The stars, thunder and lightning, and similar phenomena are generally
considered as "lights or signs" belonging to the spirits, yet one
frequently hears hazy tales such as that "the constellation Marara is a
one-legged and one-armed man who sometimes causes cloudy weather at
planting time so that people may not see his deformities," or we are
told that "the sun was placed in the sky by the creator, and on it lives
an evil spirit who sometimes kills people. The sun is moved about by the
wind;" again, "the sun and moon were once married and all the stars are
their children."

Despite repeated assertions by previous writers that the Bagobo are
fire-worshippers no evidence was obtained during our visit to support
the statement. The older people insisted that it was not a spirit and
that no offerings were ever made to it. One _mabalian_ stated that fire
was injurious to a woman in her periods and hence it was best for her
not to cook at such times; she was also of the opinion that fire was of
two kinds, good and bad, and hence might belong to both good and bad
spirits.

A common method used by the spirits to communicate with mortals is
through the call of the _limokon_[44] All the people know the meaning of
its calls and all respect its warnings. If a man is starting to buy or
trade for an article and this bird gives its warning the sale is
stopped. Should the _limokon_ call when a person is on the trail he at
ones doubles his fist and thrusts it in the direction from which the
warning comes. If it becomes necessary to point backwards, it is a
signal to return, or should the arm point directly in front it is
certain that danger is there, and it is best to turn back and avoid it.
When it is not clear from whence the note came, the traveler looks
toward the right side. If he sees there strong, sturdy trees, he knows
that all is well, but if they are cut or weaklings, he should use great
care to avoid impending danger. When questioned as to why one should
look only to the right, an old man quickly replied: "The right side
belongs to you; the left side is bad and belongs to someone else."

[44] See p. 63, note. [Transcriber's note: footnote above beginning, "A
dove."]

Sneezing is a bad omen, and should a person sneeze when about to
undertake a journey, he knows that it is a warning of danger, and will
delay until another time.

Certain charms, or actions, are of value either in warding off evil
spirits, in causing trouble or death to an enemy, or in gaining an
advantage over another in trading and in games. One type of charm is a
narrow cloth belt in which "medicines" are tied. These medicines may be
peculiarly shaped stones, bits of fungus growth, a tooth, shell, or
similar object. Such belts are known as _pamadan_, or _lambos_, and are
worn soldier-fashion over one shoulder. They are supposed to protect
their owners in battle or to make it easy for them to get the best of
other parties in a trade, A little dust gathered from the footprint of
an enemy and placed in one of these belts will immediately cause the foe
to become ill.

It is a simple matter to cause a person to become insane. All that is
needed is to secure a piece of his hair, or clothing, place it in a dish
of water and stir in one direction for several hours.

Father GISBERT relates the following method of detecting theft:

"There are not, as a rule, many thefts among the Bagobo, for they
believe that a thief can be discovered easily by means of their famous
_bongat_. That consists of two small joints of bamboo, which contain
certain mysterious powders. He who has been robbed and wishes to
determine the robber takes a hen's egg, makes a hole in it, puts a pinch
of the above said powder in it, and leaves it in the fire. If he wishes
the robber to die he has nothing else to do than to break the egg; but
since the thief may sometimes be a relative or a beloved person, the egg
is not usually broken, so that there may be or may be able to be a
remedy. For under all circumstances, when this operation is performed,
if the robber lives, wherever he may be, he himself must inform on
himself by crying out, 'I am the thief; I am the thief,' as he is
compelled to do (they say) by the sharp pain which he feels all through
his body. When he is discovered, he may be cured by putting powder from
the other joint into the water and bathing his body with it. This
practice is very common here among the heathens and Moros. A Bagobo,
named Anas, who was converted, gave me the _bongat_ with which he had
frightened many people when a heathen."

In Bansalan crab shells are hung over the doors of houses, for these
shells are distasteful to the _buso_ who will thus be kept at a
distance.

I was frequently told of persons who could foretell the future by means
of palmistry, but was never able to see a palmist at work, or to verify
the information.

MUSIC, DANCES AND CEREMONIES.

The music for the dances is generally furnished by one or more persons
beating on several _agongs_ of different sizes and notes, which are
suspended in regular order from the house rafters (Plate XXXa). The
player stands in front of the line and begins to beat the instruments
with a padded stick. Oftentimes he is accompanied by a man who strikes a
wooden drum with the palm of one hand and a stick held in the other. The
music grows faster, emphasizing certain beats, until it becomes a
compelling rhythm that starts the feet of the onlookers, and suddenly a
man or woman begins to dance. At first she keeps time to the music by
raising on her toes and heels, bending the knees and twisting the body
from side to side, but soon she becomes more animated, the feet are
raised high above the floor and brought down with a sort of shuffle
which reminds one of the sound made by the feet of a clog dancer. Still
swaying her body, she begins to circle, contra-clockwise, around the
gongs, and soon she is joined by others until all the dancing space is
filled. The scene is most picturesque, for these dances usually occur at
night, in rooms illuminated only by the flickering light of torches. The
rich clothing of the participants loses nothing of its beauty in this
dim light, while the bells and rattles with which each dancer surrounds
arms, legs and ankles, add to the din and weirdness of the occasion.
Before the dance has progressed far the musicians begin to keep time
with their feet and frequently dance away from their instruments,
circle, and then return to continue the music.

With slight variation, this is the dance used on all occasions. At
certain ceremonies small gongs, or the _bolang bolang_,[45] replace the
_agongs_, and at times also a single dancer will accompany himself on
the _kodlon_--a long wooden guitar with rattan strings (Plate XXXb).

[45] An instrument made by placing a small board on a rice mortar. This
is pounded or beaten with short sticks, or with the wooden pestles.

In this description we have named a large share of the musical
instruments used by the Bagobo. The women frequently play on a sort of
guitar made of a section of bamboo from the outside of which narrow
strings are cut. These are raised and made taut with small wooden
bridges and are then picked with a stick or the fingers (Fig. 33).
Bamboo Jew's-harps and mouth flutes are played by the men, but the nose
flute, so common in most parts of the Philippines, was not seen in use
here.

FIG. 33. TAW-GAU OR BAMBOO GUITAR.

The ceremonies and dances are so closely associated with every day
affairs that in the description of the life of the people up to this
point we have left only a few still to be discussed. These are, in the
main, very similar throughout the Bagobo belt, but to avoid confusion
the description here given of the two greatest events of the year--the
_GinEm_ ceremony and the human sacrifice--deals with Cibolan, unless
expressly stated to the contrary.

The greatest of all Bagobo ceremonies--the _GinEm_--may be given by the
_datu_ within three or four months after the appearance of the
constellation _Balatik_, when the moon is new or full. Its object is to
thank the spirits for success in war or domestic affairs, to ward off
sickness and other dangers, to drive away the _buso_, and finally to so
gratify the spirits that they will be pleased to increase the wealth of
all the people. Datu Tongkaling expressed a belief that this ceremony is
in a way related to the rice harvest, "for it is always made when there
is plenty of rice in the granaries." It appears to the writer, however,
that this ceremony probably originated in connection with warfare.

According to the tales of the old men, it was formerly the custom to go
on a raid before this ceremony was to take place, and successful
warriors would bring home with them the skulls of their victims which
they tied to the _patan'nan_.[46] It seems also to have been closely
associated with the yearly sacrifice, for it was never made until after
the appearance of the constellation _Balatik_, and without doubt a
sacrifice frequently did take place during the first day of the
ceremony, at the time the decorated poles were raised. However, such an
offering at this time did not relieve the _datu_ from the obligation of
making the regular sacrifice.

[46] Ceremonial poles dedicated to Mandarangan and Darago. In Digos and
Bansalan the skulls were not taken but hair cut from the heads of
enemies was placed in the swinging altar _balakat_, and were left there
until the conclusion of the ceremony.

Datu Ansig of Talun informed me that, unless the death of some great
person made a special sacrifice necessary, there was only one such
offering made during the year, and that at the time the decorated poles
were placed in the dwelling.

The time for the festival having been agreed upon, messengers are sent
to other _datu_ and head-men, inviting them and their people to attend.
Sufficient food is prepared for the guests and when all is ready the
_mabalian_ takes one chicken from among those to be used for food and
frees it as an offering to the _gimokod_. It is bidden to wander about
in the forest, and no one will molest the fowl, for should he do so he
is certain to become ill.[47] The _mabalian_ has previously placed
festoons of leaves and vines at various points in the house and now she
spreads a mat on the floor. A jar of _balaba_, wine, stands at each
corner, while at one end is an _agong_, and a plate containing betel
nut, leaf, and two varieties of rattan; at the other end are several
_tambara_. When all is thus prepared the people place offerings of
beautiful clothing, knives, and other costly gifts on the mat. Two
_mabalian_, a man and a woman call upon the spirits,[48] urging them to
look with favor on the offering made by the people, to grant them a good
year with health and plentiful harvests, to let their journeys be
without mishap, and to keep them all under their constant care. The
_tambara_ are fastened in various parts of the house, and the gifts are
hung on or laid beside them. Later these offerings may be removed by
their former owners who now regard them as being loaned to them by the
spirits.

[47] This offering is not made at Bansalan, neither has the _mabalian_
any part in the ceremonies of the first day.

[48] Those called at this time are Toglai, Toglibon, _tigyma_, and
Kalayagan--Eugpamolak Manobo.

[Transcriber's note: The word _tigyma_ in the above footnote should be
spelled _tigyama_.]

Following the offering the _magani_ go to a bamboo thicket and cut two
large poles, one nine sections long, the other eight. With each stroke
of the knife the men give their battle cry, then when the poles are
felled, all seize hold and carry them to the house of the _datu_. Here
they are decorated, first by being cut down for short distances, thus
leaving the lower part attached so that the shavings make a sort of
fringe, and then by attaching strips of palm or bamboo leaves and cloth
or palm leaf streamers. When complete these poles are known as
_patan'nan_ and are then the property of the spirits Mandanagan and
Darago. The longer one is for the male spirit, while the one of eight
sections is for his wife. Under no circumstances may anyone not a
_magani_ touch these poles. They are carried into the house and are
fastened near to the elevated platform at the end of the room where the
_datu_ or leading _magani_ stands ready to sacrifice a chicken. He
allows some of the blood from the offering to drip onto the poles, at
the same time begging the spirits not to let the people fight or quarrel
during the _GinEm_, "for blood is now being offered." In at least two
recent offerings the _datu_ urged the spirits to be content with this
offering of a fowl, since it was impossible for them to kill a man. At
this time, it is said, the skulls of enemies should be attached to the
_patan'nan_. As the leader finishes his offering, the men and boys
gather about the poles and yell lustily, then sit quietly down and amuse
themselves by chewing betel nut until the chicken, just killed, and the
other food has been prepared for eating. Old dishes are placed in the
center of the floor and in them food is offered for all the spirits, but
in the exact center of all is a large plate of white food for the
supreme being. A second large dish of food is placed in a _tambara_ at
the corner of the room as an offering to the warrior deities "so that
they will not eat anyone during the fiesta." Again the spirits are
besought to give them a good year, with abundant crops, health, and
success in war. Going to the _patan'nan_ each _magani_, beginning with
the _datu_ or his son, takes hold of the poles, and in a loud voice,
begins to confess all his warlike deeds. He relates how and when he
killed his victims, the number of sacrifices he has participated in, the
towns he has sacked and the slaves he has captured. In short, he tells
of all the manly deeds he has performed in order to gain the right to
wear his red suit and be known as _magani_. When all have confessed, the
men and boys eat the chicken which was sacrificed before the poles, and
from then until near midnight, all the people may dance to the music of
the _agongs_ or may indulge in feasting and drinking. From the middle of
the night until daybreak they chant songs or poems, many words of which
are now obsolete so that they are not fully understood.[49]

[49] Mr. Gohn informs me that at midnight during the last _GinEm_ made
by Datu Ali in Santa Cruz, a gun was fired, and the _datu_ said that a
sacrifice should have taken place at that time.

The festival may last one or more days. The last held in Cibolan (1909)
extended through two days and nights. At that time no offerings were
made to the spirits on the second day, but the people feasted and drank
while the _datu_ gathered a little apart and held a council.

In Malilla the second day of this ceremony is called _EgbikbEgaybe_ and
is given over almost entirely to the women. Two _tambara_ are erected in
the house, and young betel nut buds and women's skirts are hung on them.
The women and some men form a line and dance in a circle around the
offerings, keeping time to music furnished by beating small gongs, or by
pounding on a board resting on a rice mortar.[50] Before each dance the
_mabalian_ informs a spirit that this dance is for him and it is
customary to add a gift of some kind to those already on the _tambara_.
Sixteen spirits are thus honored. Throughout the day there is much
feasting and drinking, and at some time before sunset the women are
baptized. Having filled an old agong with water, the _mabalian_ dips
certain leaves into it and sprinkles the heads of the women present
eight times, meanwhile bidding the spirits to grant to them a good mind
and habit.

[50] See p. 110, note. [Transcriber's note: back 3 pages, the footnote
beginning, "An instrument made by placing...."]

Mr. Gohn, a planter of Santa Cruz who has witnessed a number of these
ceremonies, says that with the Bagobo of that place it was customary for
the _datu_ to baptize the women prior to the day of _GinEm_. On the
second day, a _mabalian_ provided a long palm leaf, and a number of
betel nut buds which, she said, represented streams, rivers, tribes, and
individuals. Taking up a bud she swung the palm leaf above it, chanting
meanwhile, and, as she finished, handed it to the _datu_ who opened it
and read the signs sent by the spirits. At the conclusion of this act,
all the women went to the river to bathe.

In the writings of the early missionary fathers stationed among the
Bagobo are found many references to human sacrifices. Since American
occupation several articles have appeared describing this custom, and
following the sacrifice held in Talun in 1907, this practice became the
subject of official communication between the Governor of the District
and his superiors. While these descriptions agree, in the main, there
are so many minor variations that it seems best to first relate the
account given to the writer by Datu Tongkaling and ten of his _magani_,
after which we shall take up some of the earlier accounts, and the
official correspondence of 1907.

Datu Tongkaling is a _magani_. He claims to have killed more than thirty
of his enemies in fair fight and to have assisted in, or to have
witnessed, an even greater number of sacrifices. Prior to his elevation
to the office of _datu_ he had aided in several of the yearly offerings.
At the time he became _datu_ he entertained all his people for seven
days and on the morning of the last day, in the presence of his
subjects, he alone sacrificed a decrepit Bila-an slave for whom he had
paid three _agongs_. Hence, probably, no man in the tribe is better
fitted to describe this event than he.

According to him, a sacrifice should be held each year following the
appearance in the sky of a constellation of seven stars known as
_Balatik_ ("pig trap").[51] The stars are placed there by the spirits
for two purposes:--first, to inform the people that it is time to prepare
for the clearing of new fields; second, to remind them that they should
offer a slave to Mandarangan, Darago, and Balakat as payment for the
good year they have enjoyed, and to secure their good will for the
coming season. A great epidemic or continued calamaties[sic] might also
be signs that the spirits were in need of another offering, and this
could take place at any time. Upon the death of an adult it becomes the
duty of the family to make a sacrifice, but, unless the deceased is of
very great importance, they may wait until the yearly sacrifice[52] when
they can purchase a share in it. The one other occasion for which this
offering is obligatory is the installation of a new _datu_ in office.
For the yearly event the ruler should provide a decrepit slave, and then
invite all those who have had death or trouble in the family and who
wish a part in the sacrifice to help bear the expense of the ceremony.
Guests gather from near and far and for two or three days, feast, dance,
and make merry in the house of the _datu_. On the morning of the last
day they accompany their leader to a great tree in the forest and there
witness or take part in the sacrifice. The victim is tied with his back
to the tree, his arms stretched high above his head. Meanwhile a little
table or altar is constructed near by, and on it the principals place
their offerings of betel nut, clothes, or weapons, and on top of all is
a dish of white food for Eugpamolak Manobo. When all is ready one of the
_magani_ begins a prayer, begging the spirits to look and see that the
people are following the old custom, to give them success in battle, and
to protect their homes from sickness and enemies. The prayer being
completed, the _datu_ places his spear below and just in front of the
right armpit; then all those who have purchased a share in the victim
take hold of the weapon, and at a signal given by the _datu_, thrust it
through the body. As soon as it is withdrawn, the _magani_ who has
offered the greatest price for the privilege attempts to cut the body in
two with one blow of his fighting knife. If he fails in the attempt,
another tries, and so on until someone succeeds. The two portions are
then released from the tree and cast into a shallow grave near by.
Before the body is covered with earth any person who wishes may cut off
a portion of the flesh or hair and carry it to the grave of some
relative whom he may have reason to believe is being troubled by evil
spirits. In such a case the evil spirit will be content to eat of the
slave, and cease disturbing the other body. Returning to the house of
the _datu_, the people continue the dancing and merry-making throughout
another night.

[51] This is the constellation Orion which appears early in December.

[52] We have already seen that this offering sometimes occurs during the
_GinEm_ ceremony.

The following accounts are extracts from the official correspondence
forwarded by the Governor of Davao to the Governor of the Moro Province:

"I have the honor to submit herewith a full report of an investigation
made by myself and the Senior Inspector of Constabulary of Davao,
regarding a human sacrifice made by the Bagobos at Talun near Digos on
Dec. 9th, 1907.

"We left Davao on the morning of the 27th of December and arrived at
Digos in the afternoon of the same day. An order was immediately sent
out to the Bagobos of Talun to come down to Digos to meet us.

"On the morning of the 30th, the entire population of Talun--men, women
and children, to the number of almost one hundred and fifty--arrived at
Digos. They were informed that it was reported that a human sacrifice
had been made at their town and that the authorities desired to know if
this was so.

"Datto[sic] Ansig replied that it was true that a sacrifice had been
held as stated and that both he and his people were ready to tell all
about it as to the best of their belief they had committed no crime, but
only followed out a religious custom practiced by themselves and their
ancestors from time immemorial.

"From the statements made by Ansig and his followers, it appears as
follows:

"That the Bagobos have several gods, 'Bacalad,' God of the spirits,
Agpanmole[sic] Monobo[sic], God of good and his wife the goddess Dewata;
Mandarangan, the God of evil (corresponding perhaps to our devil) and to
whom sacrifice is made to appease his wrath which is shown by
misfortune, years of drought, or evil befalling the tribe or its
members, also it is at times necessary to offer him human sacrifice so
that he will allow the spirits of the deceased to rest, etc. They say
that in case a Bagobo of rank or influence dies, and his widow be unable
to secure another husband, it is necessary for her to offer sacrifice to
appease the spirit of her departed husband in order that she may secure
another. In order that these sacrifices be not made too often, it is
customary for the old men of the town to gather together once each year
during a time when a collection of seven stars, three at right angle to
the other four, are seen in the heavens at seven o'clock in the evening,
which is said to occur once each year during the first part of the month
of December.

"This collection of stars is called by the Bagobos 'Balatic,' and is the
sign of the sacrifice, that is, if a sacrifice is to occur, it must take
place during the time that the stars are in this position.

"The old men meet and decide if enough misfortune has overtaken the
tribe or village during the period since the last sacrifice to render
necessary another tribute to the god of evil. It is not necessary to
offer a sacrifice for each evil, but when the misfortunes amount to a
considerable, a sacrifice is held to cover the entire lot.

"In this case it appears that two widows, Addy and Obby, went to
Datto[sic] Ansig and requested that he arrange a sacrifice to appease
the spirits of their departed husbands which were bothering them. Ansig
called a meeting of the old men at which were present besides himself
Bagobos Oling, Pandaya, and Ansig, and these four decided that as they
had not had a sacrifice since the great drought (about three years ago)
and that since that time many evils had befallen them, it would be well
to offer a sacrifice. These four men sent out to find a slave for
sacrifice, the finder becoming the chief of the sacrifice.

"Ongon, a henchman of Datto Ansig, purchased from Bagobo Ido, a Bilan
slave boy named Sacum about eight years old and who was deaf and
cross-eyed, and had other defects of vision, making him of little or no
value as a laborer. Ido originally received this slave from Duon, a
Bilan, as a wedding present when he married Duon's daughter about a year
ago.

"Ongon agreed to pay Ido five agongs for the boy and took him to the
house of Ansig where arrangements were made for the sacrifice by calling
on all who for any reason had need to appease the evil spirits to come
and take part. Three days after the slave was brought to the house of
Ansig, the people met at Talun near the river Inolia, a short distance
from Ansig's house, this being the regular place of sacrifice.

"Leaving the house of Ansig the boy Sacum was seated upon the ground
near the place of sacrifice. He was naked but no other preparation was
made with regard to the person. Upon a platform or bench of bamboo about
two feet high and a foot or two square was placed a small basket or
receptacle made of the bark of the bunga tree; in this each person
present and taking part in the sacrifice placed a piece of betel-nut,
over this the men placed their head handkerchiefs and the women strips
of the bark of the palma tree. Upon this the men laid their bolos, and
spears were then stuck in the ground in a circle around the platform.
Next Datto Ansig as chief of the sacrifice made an oration which was
about as follows: 'Oh, Mandarangan, chief of evil spirits and all the
other spirits, come to our feast and accept our sacrifice. Let this
sacrifice appease your wrath and take from us our misfortunes, granting
us better times.'

"After this, the boy Sacum was brought forward by Ongon, placed against
a small tree about six feet high, his hands tied above his head, and his
body tied to the tree with bejuco strips at the waist and knees. Ansig
then placed a spear at the child's right side at a point below the right
arm and above the margin of the ribs. This lance was grasped by the
widows Addy and Obby, who at a signal from Ansig forced it through the
child's body, it coming out at the other side. It was immediately
withdrawn and the body cut in two at the waist by bolos in the hands of
Moesta Barraro and Ola, after which the body was cut down and chopped
into bits by the people present, each of whom was allowed to take a
small portion as a momento[sic] of the occasion, the remainder of the
body being buried in a hole prepared for it.

"It is said the child was deaf and almost blind and that it did not
realize what was to happen to it until the moment it was tied up when it
began to cry; further, that death was almost instantaneous, the only cry
being one uttered when the spear first entered the child's body.

"Datto Ansig, a man about sixty years of age, says that in his life he
has attended or officiated at fifty human sacrifices, more or less, both
among the Bagobos and the Bilanes, and that human sacrifice is also
practiced among the Tagacolos, although he has never been present at one
held by that tribe.

"The Bagobos do not sacrifice any but old and decrepit or useless slaves
captured from other tribes, but the Bilanes sacrifice even their own
people.

"Being asked if it was customary to eat any portion of the body
sacrificed, Ansig replied that it was not customary nor did he know of
any case where such had occurred.

"The last sacrifice before this was held at Talun during the year of the
drought (about 1905) when a Bilan slave, an old man who was paralyzed in
one arm, was sacrificed by Datto Oling, his master.

"Asked if the sacrifice of an animal would not do as well as that of a
human being, they said, 'No, better to have no sacrifice at all.'

"They appeared utterly unconscious of having committed any crime, told
their story with frankness, said it was a matter not talked about among
their own people but that if we wanted to know the facts they would give
them to the authorities. They claimed the offering of human sacrifices
by their tribe to be an old custom and, as far as they knew the only way
to appease the wrath of the evil spirits, but said if they were ordered
to give the custom up they would do so even if the devil got them all."

Then follows the statement of an eye-witness to the ceremony:

"My name is Modesta Barrera; I live in the town of Santa Cruz, my father
being a Visayan, my mother a Bagobo. I cannot read or write, and I think
that I am about twenty-three years old, although I am not certain on
that point.

"On the 8th instant myself, Baon, Otoy, and Oton left Santa Cruz early
in the morning to go to Talun, a day's march from Santa Cruz, for the
purpose of trading with the natives of Talun, and also to collect some
debts which they owed Baon. We remained that night at Saculampula, near
Talun, where Ungon and Ido, two Bagobos, live with their families. There
we found two children the only persons at the house who informed us that
we should go to the house of Ambing, at Talun, where we could sell our
merchandise. On the morning of the 9th we got up about 7 or 8 o'clock
and started for Ambing's house. When within about an hour's walk of the
house, we found a great many people congregated together. We were told
that a human sacrifice had just taken place and on approaching to
discover what had happened, we saw a little boy about eight or nine
years old, the upper half of whose body was suspended by the wrists to a
tree, the lower half lying on the ground. The child had been thus tied
up while alive and had been cut into two parts at the waist; this was
about the position of the body when we saw it.

"Immediately about twenty persons began to chop the body into small
pieces; and Ansig, the datto of Talun, came over to us and gave Baon two
pieces of the victim's hair attached to the scalp, which is a sign of
the sacrifice. The victim was a slave owned and sacrificed by Datto
Ansig. The first bolo cut which severs the body at the waist and which
in this case we were told was done by Ansig is always performed by the
person making the sacrifice. The people present were guests of Ansig and
were not responsible for the killing, though it is the custom for the
more favored ones to assist in chopping the victim into small pieces
after death."

In the letters written by Father GISBERT in 1886, are many references to
the religious practices of the Bagobo, from which the following are
extracts:

"The feast which they hold before the sowing is a criminal and repugnant
trago-comedy. The tragical part is the first thing that is done. When
they have assembled in the middle of the woods * * * they tightly bind
the slave whom they are going to sacrifice. All armed with sharp knives,
leap and jump about their victim striking him, one after the other, or
several at one time, amid infernal cries and shouts, until the body of
the victim sacrificed has been cut to bits. From the place of the
sacrifice they then go to the house of their chief or the master of the
feast, holding branches in their hands which they place in a large
bamboo, which is not only the chief adornment but the altar of the house
in which they meet * * * The principal part is reserved for the old man
or master of the feast, he standing near the bamboo which I have
mentioned above, holding the vessel of wine in his hand, and, talking
with his comrades, addresses the great demon called _Darago_, whose
feast they are celebrating, in the following words: 'Darago, we are
making you this feast, with great good will and gladness, offering you
the blood of the sacrifice which we have made and this wine which we
drink so that you may be our friend, accompany us, and be propitious in
our wars.' * * * * * * * * * * *

"When they marry, if the lovers think that it will be of any use they
make a human sacrifice so that they may have a good marriage, so that
the weather may be good, so that they may have no storm, sickness, etc.,
all things which they attribute to the devil. In the same way also when
they learn that there is any contagious disease, or fear death, several
of them assemble and make a human sacrifice, asking the devil to let
them live, since they generously offer him that victim. They also
believe that the disease can be conjured. But the time that it is
necessary to make a sacrifice, according to the law of the Bagobos, is
at the death of anyone of the family, before they can remove the
_lalaoan_ or mourning * * * At the point and on the day assigned, all
the sacrificers assemble, or possibly one member of each of the families
who are in mourning, at times fifty or more. The value of the slave
sacrificed is paid among them all, and he who pays most has the right to
sacrifice first."[**]

[**] In BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII. pp. 244-51, will be found a
very interesting letter from FATHER GISBERT, in which he describes the
sacrifice of a Bagabo[sic] half-blood who had fallen in debt.

The official files in the Governor's office at Davao contain an account,
written by Gov. Bolton, of the sacrifice at Cataloonan, July 1, 1904.
This was held to secure the return to health of Chief Obo, who later
died.

[Transcriber's note: The two paragraphs immediately above both comprise
a single footnote.]

By the side of the trail, or in the forests, little shrines or platforms
about 3 ft. high and a foot square at the top, are frequently seen.
These are known as _buis_ and are erected for the _buso_, in order to
avert their displeasure and to keep them at a distance from the
dwellings. When the family has been subjected to petty annoyances, or
when for any other reason, the _mabalian_ thinks an offering should be
made, she orders the family to provide her with betel nut, a piece of
iron, and bits of broken dishes, or castoff clothing. These are placed
on the platform and the _buso_ are exhorted to come and accept them.
Good offerings are never made to this class of spirits, for "they do not
expect to be treated like the more powerful." A shrub known as
_dalingding_ is planted by the side of the shrine so that its location
may be known even after the platform has fallen, and all passersby will
make some small offering, hoping thus to keep these evil beings in good
humor.

Rain can be stopped by placing an offering of a leg ring, or prepared
betel nut beside the trail and presenting them to the _Gimokod_, at the
same time asking them to stop the downpour.

DECORATIVE ART.

To a stranger entering a Bagobo house, in the absence of its owners, it
appears that the people have little artistic development. He sees no
paintings, no drawings, and few, if any, attempts to beautify the house
with carvings. The pots sitting by the fire, show no decoration nor do
the other household utensils exhibit embellishment of any kind. A closer
study of the field baskets, however, shows a slight attempt to produce
ornamentation by changing the weave of the central band from that at the
top and bottom, or by adding a few rude lines in pitch. The moment the
people enter, however, all is changed. The clothing they wear is covered
with intricate patterns, some realistic, others highly conventionalized
(Plate XXXI). Wonderful designs in beads or shell disks appear on coats,
jackets, and carrying bags, while at neck, waist, shoulder, and at the
bottom of sleeves and trousers are other figures in fine embroidery or
applique. Strands of beads and seeds exhibiting a great variety of
designs surround the necks of both men and women, while rings, armlets,
leglets, and anklets of beads, plaited material or metal, are common.
Combs are covered with pitch and inlaid with beads, or patterns are
incised in the wood and filled with lime. Ear plugs exhibit beautiful
delicate patterns inlaid with brass or silver.

A glance at the weapons carried by the man shows that his knife has been
ornamented with caps of brass (Plate XXXII), the metal guard has cut or
cast patterns in its surface, while sheath and carrying belt are covered
with thin brass plates, painted lines, or a beaded cloth (Plate XXXIII)
with bells attached. Fronts and backs of shields are covered with
incised designs, while the metal ferrule next to the spear head seldom
lacks in conventionalized figures. So the list might be extended to
cover the women's knives and their pocket and carrying baskets, as well
as the betel boxes and lime holders used by both sexes. In short, there
seems to be no end to the list of personal ornaments and equipment which
may be improved by carvings, arrangements of beads or metal castings and
inlays. Even the horses are decorated with artificial forelocks of hair
and beads. Strings of bells surround their necks, while saddles and
whips display the aesthetic taste of their owners.

A part of this decoration is apparently realistic and will readily be
identified by any member of the tribe; another part is suggestive and
with a widely known meaning, but by far the greater number of designs
have no generally accepted signification. The writer spent many hours
securing the names of the designs on textiles, ornaments, or on lime
boxes, only to receive the reply "done to make pretty," or to find that
no two of five or a dozen informants could agree on many patterns, while
frequently it was found that some obliging individual had volunteered
names at one time which he could not remember on the day following. It
is possible that a long residence with the people and diligent inquiry
along this line might yield more definite results, but for the present
the writer must content himself by showing some typical examples of the
decorative art, and adding a few notes to the same.

The great majority of baskets lack in decoration, other than that which
can be obtained by a slight change in the weave. In these a central band
can be distinguished from those at top and bottom, although the same
material is used and there is only a minor variation in the technique.

Small carrying receptacles, or trinket baskets, frequently have designs
produced by plaiting the rattan or bamboo of natural color with that
which has been blackened (Plate XXXIVa). No uniform meaning or pattern
name seems to be attached to the designs shown in this specimen, but an
incised design on the wooden rim was readily identified as a crocodile.

The small baskets in the coiled weave sometimes have the fronts entirely
covered with beads which are woven into the basket in parallel lines.
The tobacco box shown in Plate XXXV has been covered with cloth and
pitch, in which an artistic design made from the yellow cuticle of an
orchid has been inlaid. Plate XXXVb shows the wooden tops of three
tobacco boxes. Nos. 1 and 2 are carved and inlaid with beads and buttons
in designs which "look pretty," but number 3 depicts a hunting scene in
which two men and a dog are hunting the alligator. Several beads are
missing so that it requires quite a stretch of the imagination to secure
the impression the native artist meant to impart.

The prized trinket baskets of the women generally have the fronts
covered with cloth, to which hundreds of colored beads are sewed, in
elaborate designs (Plate XXXVI).

The patterns brought out in the weaving are as beautiful and intricate
as they are confusing. Five typical specimens of cloth used in women's
skirts are shown in Plate XXXVII. In them can be found several
apparently different designs to some of which names were assigned, but
as there was no agreement among my informers I refrain from giving them
here. The pattern marked X in (c) was generally identified as
"alligator," yet the weavers were by no means agreed.

The strip of cloth (Plate XXXVIII) was intended for the center breadth
in a woman's skirt and shows the typical designs employed in the best
garments.

The extensive use of beads is shown in Plates XXXIX-XL. Carrying bags,
clothing, combs, necklaces, armlets, belts and sheath covers are
partially covered with or made up of colored beads, always in designs,
yet very few of these patterns have generally accepted meanings or
names. The same holds true of the designs in shell disks, which, on the
finer garments, take the place of beads. A few exceptions to this are
found in which realistic patterns appear in (Plate XXXIb and Fig. 34).

FIG. 34. REALISTIC PATTERNS IN BEADS AND SHELL DISKS.

Like the bead work, the embroidery and applique found on many garments
are added "to make pretty." Some of this work is quite fine, but in
general that of recent years is either inferior to that found on old
garments or is borrowed from, or made by, the Bila-an women. Some
garments, with designs produced by oversewing before dyeing, are seen
here, but they are recent importations from the Kulaman or Tagakaolo
tribes.

Necklaces and leglets are made of rattan and are decorated with burned
lines or by being overlaid with platted strips of orchid and fern
cuticle (Fig. 2).

A few rare specimens, such as personal ornaments or basket rims, have
sewed in designs in which the sewing has been done with fern cuticle
(Plate XXXIVb).

Incised patterns appear on nearly all the bamboo lime and tobacco
holders, but here individual fancy plays such an important part that a
hundred specimens might be examined without finding duplicate patterns.
Fig. 14. shows nine of these tubes covered with cut-in designs, yet only
one figure, that marked X in _b_ could be identified. This was said to
be the familiar crocodile.

Coming to the work in brass and copper we encounter an entirely new type
of design. In some cases straight inlaid or overlaid strips and twisted
wires are used to ornament the specimen; while in the raised and cut-in
lines on the bells we find simple patterns. In the main, however, the
ornamentation on this class of material consists of complicated scrolls
(Plate XLI), designs suggesting flower or tree patterns, or
conventionalized figures. One only needs to compare these objects with
similar specimens from Borneo and the Malayan Islands of the South, to
find the source of this type of ornamentation.[53] In fact the imitation
of Moro wares is practiced today. In Plate XLIa and b are shown two
betel nut boxes--No. 1 the work of the Samal Moro, No. 2 the imitation of
the inlaid work on the top of the first specimen. This last was made in
my presence, and with the expressed intention of duplicating the Moro
box. However, in this case, as in all others, the Bagobo caster did not
attempt to exactly reproduce the work of another, but simply borrowed a
broad idea, and thus he often creates new forms.

[53] See LING ROTH, Oriental Silver Work.

Not once did the writer receive a name for any pattern or design shown
in metal work. A careful study of the method of work, of the articles
produced, and of the folk-lore and religious observances connected with
the work in brass and copper brings one to the conclusion that this
class of work is of comparatively recent introduction and that the
instructors in the art were the Samal Moro.

Mention has already been made of the designs incised on combs and other
objects which are afterwards filled with lime. Just here it is
interesting to note that, so far as is known, the southern end of
Mindanao and adjacent small islands, are the only parts of the
Philippines in which this decoration, so typical of Melanesia, is to be
found.

Realistic carvings were seen used in only two capacities. The first in
certain ceremonies, where extremely crude wooden figures were offered to
the spirits in exchange for the sick person (see p. 103), and the
second, the wooden decoys used in hunting doves (See Plate XVIII).

Summing up our present information we can say: first, that the Bagobo
makes use of certain realistic designs which in some cases have become
conventionalized but still retain their former significance; second,
that the greater part of decoration in beads, shell disks, embroidery or
applique, as well as the incised designs in lime boxes and the like,
have no meaning to the people of the present day, and are added only to
make the objects more beautiful in the eyes of the owners. In this work
there are no set patterns and each artist gives full reign to the fancy
in producing these figures. Third, that the ideas for the patterns
inlaid, incised, and cast in brass or copper, are furnished by the
examples of this work coming from the Malays to the south, but that even
in these the artist has taken great liberties in the execution of the
design. Fourth, that one type of decoration, i. e., the incised figures
filled with lime, suggests the possible influence of Melanesia on the
artistic ideas of this people.

MYTHOLOGY.

During my stay with this tribe I heard parts of many folk-tales, some
chanted, others told with gravity, and still others which caused the
greatest levity. My limited knowledge of the dialect and pressure of
other work caused me to delay the recording of these tales until I
should begin a systematic study of the language. Owing to unforeseen
circumstances, that time never came, and it is now possible to give only
the slightest idea of a very rich body of tales.[54]

[54] Since this was written MISS BENEDICT has published an excellent
collection of Bagobo Myths (_Journal of American Folklore_, 1913, XXVI.
pp. 13-63.)

In the main these stories are an attempt to account for the present
order of things. In the tale which we quoted in part, at the beginning
of the paper, we are told of an all-powerful being who created the earth
and all that is. Other spirits and many animals inhabited the sky and
earth which the creator had made. Of the latter only one, the monkey, is
named. He and his kind, we are told, once inhabited and owned all the
world, but were dispossessed by two human beings, Toglai and Toglibon,
from whom all the people of the world are descended. After their death a
great drought caused the people to disperse and seek out new homes in
other parts. They journeyed in pairs and because of the objects which
they carried with them, they are now known by certain names. One couple,
for instance, carried with them a small basket called _bira-an_, and for
this reason their children are known as Bira-an (Bila-an). From the time
of the dispersion until the arrival of the Spaniards we learn that
certain mythical heroes performed wonderful feats, in some cases being
closely identified with the spirits themselves, in others making use of
magic, the knowledge of which seems to have been common in those times.

The two following tales are typical of those commonly heard in a Bagobo
gathering. The first was told by Urbano Eli, a Bagobo of Malilla.

"After the people were created a man named LumabEt was born. He could
talk when he was one day old and the people said he was sent by Manama.
He lived ninety seasons and when still a young man he had a hunting dog
which he took to hunt on the mountain. The dog started up a white deer
and LumabEt and his companions followed until they had gone about the
world nine times when they finally caught it. At the time they caught
the deer LumabEt's hair was grey and he was an old man. All the time he
was gone he had only one banana and one camote with him for food. When
night came he planted the skin of the banana and in the morning he had
ripe bananas to eat, and the camotes came the same way. When he had
caught the deer LumabEt called the people to see him and he told them to
kill his father. They obeyed him and then LumabEt took off his headband
and waved it in the air over the dead man, and he at once was alive
again. He did this eight times and at the eighth time his father was
small like a little boy, for every time the people cut him in two the
knife took off a little flesh. So all the people thought LumabEt was
like a god.

"One year after he killed the deer he told all the people to come into
his house, but they said they could not, for the house was small and the
people many. But LumabEt said there was plenty of room, so all entered
his house and were not crowded. The next morning the _diwata_,
_tigyama_, and other spirits came and talked with him. After that he
told the people that all who believed that he was powerful could go with
him, but all who did not go would be turned into animals and _buso_.
Then LumabEt started away and those who stayed back became animals and
_buso_.

"He went to the place Binaton, across the ocean, the place where the
earth and sky meet. When he got there he saw that the sky kept going up
and down the same as a man opening and closing his jaws. LumabEt said to
the sky 'You must go up,' but the sky replied 'No.' At last LumabEt
promised the sky that if he let the others go he might catch the last
one who tried to pass; so the sky opened and the people went through;
but when near to the last the sky shut down and caught the bolo of next
to the last man. The last one he caught and ate.

"That day LumabEt's son Tagalion was hunting and caught many animals
which he hung up. Then he said he must go to his father's place; so he
leaned an arrow against a _baliti_ tree and sat on it. It began to grow
down and carried him down to his father's place, but when he arrived
there were no people there. He saw a gun, made out of gold, and some
white bees in the house. The bees said 'You must not cry; we can take
you to the sky,' So he rode on the gun, and the bees took him to the sky
and he arrived there in three days.

"One of the men was looking down on the land below, and all of the
spirits made fun of him and said they would take out his intestines so
that he would be like one of them and never die. The man refused to let
them, and he wanted to go back home because he was afraid; so Manama
said to let him go.

"The spirits took leaves of the _karan_ grass and tied to his legs, and
made a chain of the grass and let him down to the earth. When he reached
the earth he was no longer a man but was an owl."

(2) The second tale, which was recorded by P. Juan Doyle, S. J., is as
follows:

"In one of the torrents which has its origin at the foot of Apo, there
were two eels which, having acquired extraordinary magnitude, had no
room in so little water, on account of which they determined to
separate, each one taking a different direction in search of the sea or
the great lakes. One arrived, happily, at the sea by the Padada river,
and from it came eels in the sea. The other descending a torrent,
swimming and confining himself as well as he might, enclosed in these
narrow places, said to himself 'I haven't the slightest idea of what the
sea is, but it appears to me that when I see before me an extraordinary
clearness on a limpid surface, that must be the sea, and with one spring
I will jump into it.' So saying, he arrived at a point where the torrent
formed a cascade. He noticed that it cut off the horizon and to his view
it appeared of an extraordinary clearness; he thought he could swim
there without limit, and at his pleasure, and that this, in fine, must
be the sea. He darted into it, but the unhappy one was dashed against
the rocks, and too fatigued to swim through the rough waters, he lost
his life. His body lay there inert and formed undulations which are now
the folds which the earth forms to the left of Mt. Apo."

OTHER BRANCHES OF THE TRIBE.

To the south and southwest of Mt. Apo, and west of Digos, are seven
settlements, the inhabitants of which are known as Obo or Tigdapaya. On
the south they meet the Bila-an, and, like this latter people, extend
over the watershed into the valley of the Cotabato river. On the
northwest they come in contact with the Ata. They have intermarried with
both of these tribes, have adopted many of their customs, and in some
cases their manner of dress. However, they consider themselves, and are
considered by the Bagobo, as a part of that tribe, and recognize
Tongkaling as their chief. Bagobo customs and blood predominate,
although intermarriage with the Negrito was evident in nearly every
individual of this division seen by the writer.

Immediately wrest of Daliao are three villages whose people are known as
Eto or Ata. Aside from a slightly greater percentage of individuals
showing negroid features, these people do not differ in any respect from
the Bagobo. It does not seem that they should be classed with the people
later referred to as Ata. To the north, their lands join the territory
held by the Guianga.

The habitat of the division called Guianga begins a few miles back of
the Gulf and extends west to the watershed. An east and west line drawn
through the village of Taloma marks their southern boundary, while to
the north they approach the Lasan river. They are found in a number of
scattered settlements which owe allegiance and are subject to five petty
_datu_. Tongkaling is not recognized as having any authority in the
district, and there seems to be no remembrance of a time when any of the
Bagobo rulers held authority over the Guianga. Physically and culturally
they do not seem to be far removed from the Bagobo, while their language
is so closely related that individuals of the two divisions, meeting for
the first time can carry on a conversation. There is, however,
considerable variation between the dialects, both in intonation and
vocabulary.

Further study may result in raising this branch to the dignity of a
tribe, but the information at hand does not justify us in considering
them other than a dialect group of the Bagobo.



II. BILA-AN.

SYNONYMS.

(a) TAGALAGAD--"dwellers in the back country" is the name generally
applied to this tribe by the coast natives.

(b) TAGKOGON--"dwellers in the cogon"--The group living on the grass
plains west of Malalag.

(c) BULUAN, BULUANES--The members of this tribe dwelling near to Lake
Buluan. This group is sometimes identified with the Tagabili or Tagabulu
who also reside in that region.

(d) BIRA-AN, BARA-AN--Synonym for BILA-AN, often used by the neighboring
Bagobo.

(e) VILANES, BILANES.

(f) BALUD or TUMANAO--name sometimes applied by early writers to the
Bila-an who live on the Sarangani Islands.

This tribe is found in the mountains on the west side of Davao Gulf
beginning at an east and west line drawn through Bulatakay and extending
south to Sarangani Point, and they also appear in small numbers in the
Sarangani Islands which lie just south of the mainland. At Bulatakay
they are a day's march back from the coast and to reach them it is
necessary to pass for several hours through a rolling belt of forest
land, then as the mountains are approached, gently sloping cogon plains
about ten miles in width are crossed. West of Malalag they are still far
from the sea with a belt of hill Tagakaolo between them and the coast
people. In this region they have spread out in considerable numbers on
to the grass plains, and for this reason are locally known as Tagkogon
"dwellers in the cogon." On the gulf side of the divide, south of
Malalag, they are found in small groups far back in the mountains, while
between them and the sea are Tagakaolo, Kulaman and Moro. Along the
watershed between the districts of Davao and Cotabato they possess all
the territory and even extend in some numbers into the lowlands toward
Lake Buluan. They are distinctly a mountain people, having never reached
the sea, except near Sarangani Point, until after the advent of the
American. Since then a few hundred have been induced to move to the
coast plantations, and the town of Labau has been established on the
Padada river about six miles back of the coast. According to Mr. H. S.
Wilson, tribal ward headman for the Bila-an, this tribe numbers about
ten thousand persons, of which number fifteen hundred reside on the
Sarangani Islands.

The material here presented was gathered from the people of Labau, the
Malalag cogon, and those living near the headwaters of the Ma-al and
Padada rivers.

Formerly a neutral, uninhabited belt extended between them and the coast
people, and at stated intervals they went to recognized trading points
in this territory to exchange their agricultural and forest products for
salt, fish, and other articles of barter. Beyond this trading and an
occasional fight, they had few dealings with the coast people and seem
never to have encountered the Spaniard.

They are almost unknown to history, for aside from two or three short
accounts,[55] based mostly on hearsay, we find no mention of them. The
coast natives who knew them by name only had many stories concerning
their life and prowess, and one still hears that "the Bila-an are of
small stature but agile like monkeys. One may wander for days through
their territory without encountering a person and then when in a bad
place suddenly see the little people in hundreds swarming down the sides
of impassable cliffs. They are always in such numbers that, while they
use only the bow and arrow, they are almost sure to exterminate the
intruders." As a matter of fact, the Bila-an compare in stature with the
coast natives and differ little from them in color, although a few
individuals of decidedly lighter cast are met with.

[55] BLAIR and ROBERTSON The Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII, pp. 239,
282-283. Census of the Philippine Islands, 1905.

Observations were made on thirty-eight men, but no women could be
induced to submit to being measured. The maximum height of the men was
found to be 163.6 cm.; minimum 142.3 cm.; with an average of 154.7 cm.
The cephalic indices showed 87.8 cm. as the maximum; 74 cm. the minimum;
and 80.4 cm. the average. The greatest length-height index was 78.6 cm.;
the minimum 62.4 cm. and the average 69.7 cm. From these measurements it
appears that the Bila-an are somewhat shorter than the Bagobo; are more
short headed, the majority being brachycephalic; while the height from
tragus to vertex is about the same in both groups, and both have the
crown and back of the head strongly arched. The face[56] is absolutely
shorter and relatively broader than in the Bagobo. The forehead is
usually high and full, but in about one-third of the individuals
measured it was moderately retreating, while in the same proportion the
supra-orbital ridges were quite strongly marked. In other features, as
well as in hair form, eyes, body form and color, this people conform to
the description given of the Bagobo (Plates XLII-XLVIII).

[56] Measured from the chin to the hair of the forehead. The greater
part of this tribe live far back in the rugged mountains which form the
watershed between the Cotabato valley and the Gulf of Davao. Travel
through that district is entirely on foot, and is principally along the
water courses, so that in going from place to place a person is
continually crossing the stream. From time to time dim trails, scarcely
worthy of that name, lead from the river's bank almost perpendicularly
up the mountain-side or to the summits of high hills, where will be
found one or two frail houses (Plate XLIX). The dwellings are never in
large groups, and more frequently each house is by itself. From one
habitation it is possible to look across the hills and see many others
at no great distance, to reach which would necessitate a descent of
several hundred feet and an equal climb up to each.

There is considerable variation in the architecture of the dwellings but
the following description of the home of Datu Dialum, on the headwaters
of the Ma-al river, will give the general plan of all.

Small hardwood poles about twenty feet in length formed the uprights to
which the side and crossbeams were lashed, while in the center of each
end beam smaller sticks were tied to form the king posts. From the ridge
pole small timbers extended to the side beams, thus forming the
framework on which the final topping of flattened bamboo was laid. This
roof was of one pitch and at the sides overhung the walls by about a
foot. Twelve feet above the ground other poles were lashed to the
uprights and on these rested the cross timbers of the floor, which in
turn were covered with broad strips of bark. The side walls extended
between the floor and the beams, but in no place did they extend up to
the roof. Entrance to the dwelling was gained by a notched log.

Once inside the house the arrangement impressed one as being similar to
those of the Bagobo. Just above the door, and again in the far end of
the room, poles were laid across the beams to form the floors of lofts
which, in this case, were used as sleeping rooms.

In front of the door, at the opposite side of the room, was a bed of
ashes in which three stones were sunk to form the stove, and above this
was suspended a rack which contained cooking pots, drying wood, ears of
corn, and the like. Close to the stove were a few earthen pots (Fig. 35)
and many short bamboo tubes filled with water, while against the wall
hung rattan frames filled with half cocoanut-shell dishes, spoons, and
two or three old Chinese plates. Near the center of the room stood a
rice mortar made by hollowing out a section of log. At the far end of
the room was a raised sleeping platform, such as is found in all Bagobo
houses, and extending from this to the center and on each side of the
room were narrow stalls where the women were engaged in weaving, and in
which they slept and kept their most valued possessions.

FIG. 35. COOKING POT AND COVER.

In the description of the house we have mentioned most of the
furnishings. In addition it is customary to find a few well made mats of
_pandanus_ or _buri_ palm leaf. These are spread on the floor when the
owners wish to retire and for the rest of the time are rolled up and
laid along the walls. Carved forked sticks which serve as torch-holders
stand in various parts of the room, while somewhere near the stove is a
miscellany of wooden meat blocks, bamboo fans and fly swatters, gourds
filled with millet, salt, or mashed peppers, and shovel-shaped or round
rice winnowers, which also serve as common eating dishes for the family
and guests. Well made baskets stand by the walls or hang from pegs along
with articles of clothing, while spears, shields, and other weapons are
fastened to side walls or roof.

Small clearings are found at no great distance from these dwellings and
in them the people raise rice, corn, millet, camotes, sugar-cane, and a
few banana and hemp plants (Plate L). As is the case with all the wild
tribes in this district, the Bila-an make new clearings as soon as the
cogon grass begins to invade their fields, and this in time causes them
to move their homes from one locality to another.

The domestic animals consist of a few chickens, dogs, an occasional cat
and pig, and in the lower cogon lands, a few families possess horses.
Some fish are secured from the river, while deer, wild pig, jungle fowl,
and other game are taken with traps or secured by hunting.

There seems never to have been a time when this tribe was organized
under a single leader as was the case with the Bagobo. Each district is
so isolated from the others and the population so scattering that any
such development has been barred, and hence the people of each river
valley or highland plain have their local ruler. The power of this ruler
is real only so far as his personal influence can make it so. He
receives no pay for his services, but his position makes it possible for
him to secure the help of his fellows when he is in need of workers or
warriors. In return he conducts negotiations with other groups and
administers justice in accordance with the customs handed down from
bygone ages. Upon his death he is succeeded by his eldest son, unless
the old men of the group should consider him incompetent, in which case
they will determine upon the successor.

Warriors who have killed one or more persons[57] are known as _lEbE_
(Plate XLII), and are permitted to wear plain red suits decorated with
embroidery. Their duties and privileges are much the same as those of
the Bagobo _magani_.

[57] Said to be four among the Tagkogon.

A class known as _almo-os_ is composed mostly of middle-aged women who
are in close communication with the spirits and who, like the _mabalian_
of the Bagobo, conduct ceremonies to aid in the cure of the sick, to
secure good crops, or to thank the higher beings for their help and
watchfulness. Unlike the _mabalian_, these women are seldom midwives,
such duties being performed by a group called _fandita_.[58] Finally, we
learn that slaves are sometimes taken from neighboring tribes or even
from unfriendly settlements of their own people, to which class may be
added offenders against the laws of the group. Slavery, however, is not
very prevalent, for men are not greatly desired unless needed for a
sacrifice, while young girls and women soon become regular members of
their master's family.

[58] Probably a corruption of the Moro term _pandi'a_.

As has just been indicated a man may have as many wives as he can secure
by purchase or capture, provided they are not blood relations, but a new
wife cannot be added to the family until the one preceding has borne a
child.

Difficulties are generally settled between the parties concerned, but if
they carry their case to the ruler they must abide by his decision. A
thief is usually compelled to return the stolen property, but in at
least one case the culprit was sacrificed.[59]

[59] See p. 145.

Murder can be avenged by a murder so long as the trouble remains a
family affair, but if the case goes to the ruler it is probable that he
will levy a fine on the culprit. Unfaithfulness in a wife can be
punished by the death of one or both offenders if the husband exacts the
punishment, otherwise a fine is imposed.

The type of clothing worn by this tribe is practically identical with
that of the Bagobo, while the cloth from which it is made is procured by
a like process. However, in the ornamentation of these garments there is
wide variation. Beads are not used to any great extent, but in their
place are intricate embroidered designs which excel, both in beauty and
technique the work of any other wild tribe in the Islands, while on the
more elaborate costumes hundreds of shell disks are used in artistic
designs. The woman's skirt is of hemp and is made in exactly the same
manner as those of the Bagobo, but the general pattern is different, and
it seldom contains the broad decorative center panel (Plate LX).

Some of the men cut their hair so that it falls in bangs along the
center line of the forehead and behind reaches to the nape of the neck,
but the majority of them, and all the women, allow the back hair to grow
long and tie it in a knot at the back of the head. Ordinarily the men
dispense with head covering, or at most twist a bit of cloth into a
turban, but for special occasions they wear palm leaf hats covered with
many parallel bands of rattan and crowned with notched chicken feathers
(Plate LI). Rarely is a women seen with any kind of head protection or
hair ornament other than a small comb which is peculiar to this tribe
(Fig. 36). This comb is made of bamboo or rattan splints drawn together
at the center but flaring at top and bottom until it forms an ornament
in the shape of an hour glass. The ear plugs worn by the men are of wood
and are undecorated, but those of the women have the fronts overlaid
with incised brass plates (Fig. 37). In other respects the dress of the
women differs little from that of the Bagobo. They have the same
necklaces, arm and finger rings, leglets, and anklets, although in less
quantity. They also carry trinket baskets, but these are larger than
those used by the women of the other tribe and are lacking in bead and
bell pendants. However, they are tastily decorated with designs in
colored bamboo or fern cuticle. We have already noted that the use of
plain red garments is limited to warriors, but cloth of that hue which
contains narrow black stripes may be used by all. Quite a number of
garments are seen in which white pattens appear in a red background
(Plate LVIIIc). In this tribe the use of such suits is not restricted,
but with the neighboring Kulaman they can be worn by warriors[60] only.

FIG. 36. WOMEN'S COMBS.

FIG. 37. A. WOMEN'S EAR PLUGS. B. MEN'S EAR PLUGS.

[60] See p. 155 for a description of this process. [Transcriber's note:
20 pages further from this one.]

Before we proceed further with the description of the life of the
people, it will be well for us to inquire into their religious beliefs,
for, as is the case with all their neighbors, their faith in unseen
beings influences their daily life to a very great extent. The two
following tales deal with the Bila-an genesis.

"In the beginning was _MElu_--a being of such great size as to be beyond
comparison with any known thing; who was white, having gold teeth, and
who sat upon the clouds, and occupied all space above.

"He was very cleanly and was constantly rubbing himself with his hands
in order that he might keep his skin quite white. The scurf or dead skin
which he thus removed, he placed to one side where it accumulated at
last to such a heap that it annoyed him. To be rid of this annoyance he
made the earth, and being pleased with his work, he decided to make two
beings like himself only much smaller in size. This he did from remnants
of the material from which he made the earth.

"Now, while MElu was making the first two men, and when he had the first
one finished, all excepting the nose; and the second one finished all
excepting the nose and one other part, Tau Tana (Funtana) or Tau Dalom
Tana appeared and demanded of MElu that he be allowed to make the nose.
Then began a great argument in which Tau Dalom Tana gained his point and
did make the noses and placed them on the faces of the first two people
upside down. So great had been the argument over this making and placing
of noses that MElu forgot to finish that part of the second person and
went away to his place above the clouds, and Tau Dalom Tana went away to
his place below the earth. Then came a great rain and the two people on
the earth were about to perish on account of the water which ran off
their heads into their noses. MElu seeing what was happening came to
them and changed their noses, and then told them that they should save
all the hair which came from their heads, and all the scurf which came
from their bodies to the end that when he came again he might make more
people. As time passed there came to be a great many people, and they
lived in a village having plenty to eat and no labor but the gathering
of such fruits as they desired.

"One day when the rest of the people were about the village and the near
country, a man and woman who had been left behind fell to gazing, one
upon the person of the other, and after a little while they went away
apart from the rest and were gone many days, and when they returned the
woman carried a child in her arms, and the people wondered and were
afraid. When MElu came again soon, knowing what had taken place, he was
very angry and he went away abandoning them, and a great drought came,
when for two seasons no rain fell and everything withered up and died.
At last the people went away, two by two, one man and one woman
together, and MElu never again came to visit his people on earth."[61]

[61] Recorded by Mr. H. S. Wilson.

The writer did not hear the foregoing tale, but the following, with more
or less variation, was told to him by several Bila-an:

"In the beginning four beings, MElu and Fiuweigh-males, and Dwata and
Saweigh (or sEwE or sEweigh)-females, lived on a small earth or island
as large as a hat and called _salnaon_. There were no trees or grass on
this island, but they had one bird called Baswit. They sent this bird
across the waters to secure some earth, the fruit of the rattan and of
trees. When it returned MElu took the earth and beat it the same as a
woman beats pots until he had made the land, then he planted the seeds
in it and they grew. When he had watched it for a time he said: 'Of what
use is land without people'; so the others said, 'Let us make wax into
people.' They did so, but when they put the wax near to the fire it
melted, so they saw they could not make man that way. Next it was
decided that they should use dirt, and MElu and Fiuweigh began to make
man. All. went well until they were ready to make the nose. Fiuweigh who
was making this part put the nose on upside down and when MElu told him
that the people would drown if he left it that way he became very angry
and refused to change it. When he turned his back, MElu seized the nose
quickly and turned it as it now is, and you can see where, in his haste,
he pressed his fingers (at the root).

"The people they made were Adnato and Andawi, male and female. These two
had children, Tapi (or Mastafi) and Lakarol. (Informants disagreed here,
part insisting that MEsa, Lakbang, and Mangarang were part of the first
people made.) Their descendants were Sinudal (female), Moay (male),
Limbay (female), Madinda (female), Sinnamoway (male), Kamansa (male),
Gilay (female), Gomayau (male), Salau (male), Slayen (female), BaEn
(female), Kanfal (female), Latara (male)."

[Transcriber's note: These identifications of male and female (in
parentheses above and below) are all signaled in the text using
non-ASCII symbols; the symbols for male or female were footnoted.]

The last was the father of Alimama, the chief informant of this tale.
Inok, dato of Labau, is also of this line, tracing his descent from
Lakbang.

It is said that MElu and Saweigh now live below, Dwata and Fiuweigh in
the sky.

A variation of this story credits MElu and Dwata with being the creators
of Fiuweigh and SEweigh. They were the ancestors of men, for they took
earth and made it into the form of people and then whipped it until it
moved. The first people they made were Otis (male) and Lakbang (female).
Two of their children were Mastafi (male) and Lakarol (or Landol)
(female). From these two came all the Bila-an. "These two lived in a
small distant place and their one animal was Baswit--a bird. They sent
him on a long journey and when he returned he brought a piece of earth
and the fruit of a _pandag_ tree. Lakarol planted the fruit in the piece
of earth and when it grew the leaves fell down and finally made the
earth."

From these tales and later questioning we learn the MElu, or MElE, is
the most powerful of all the natural spirits and that his help is sought
in times of calamity and at very important occasions.

Duwata (Duata, Dwata, Adwata, Diwata) is generally considered to be the
wife of MElu and of equal strength with him. She is sometimes identified
with a female spirit called Kalalokan.

Fiuweigh and SEweigh are now powerful spirits; but there is some dispute
as to whether they have always been so, or once were human.

Lamot ta Mangayo, also called Mandalangan, is the patron spirit of the
warriors and is in all respects almost identical with Mandarangan of the
Bagobo.

The _busau_ are a class of spirits, often ill-disposed toward men, who
live in various parts of the mountains. Bakay, one of the _busau_, is
said to be the owner of the deer and pig and is held in considerable
esteem by the people of the Padada region, but he is not recognized by
the Tagkogon branch of the tribe. Another spirit, Bawi, who owns the
rice, is in great favor with the Padada people, but is unknown to the
latter group. Flau is the spirit of an unborn child whose mother died in
pregnancy. Its cry is often heard at night, and at times it attacks and
injures people.

These natural spirits are very powerful, and since they sometimes
interest themselves in the doings of mortals it behooves all to keep
their good will. Below them is another class of spirits, less powerful,
but far more concerned in the affairs of men, and for this reason more
to be feared should they become displeased. This class is made up of the
spirits of the dead. A man's spirit, _almogol_, does not live in his
body, but always accompanies him during life. If at any time it wanders
the man becomes ill, and if it fails to return its owner dies. After
separating from the body the _almogol_ goes to Kilot, a good place below
the earth where there is no work or punishment. There it spends most of
its time, but upon occasion returns to its former haunts where it aids
or injures the living.

The _almo-os_, already mentioned,[62] have considerable influence with
all the spirits, but they are particularly close to the _almogol_. When
a person is ill he is placed in a little house known as _lawig_ (Plate
LII), beside which a fire is kindled. Nearby are two decorated bamboo
sticks, behind which the spirit of the sick man stands while he watches
the proceeding. The _almo-os_ takes a chicken in his hands and, while
five or six assistants dance, he chants, appealing to the spirit to see
the good things that are being prepared, and to be pleased to return to
the sick man. Occasionally, the music stops and one of the dancers cries
"_almogol_, here is food for you; you must not go away." After a time
the fowl is killed, is cooked over the fire, and is fed to the invalid,
while the "doctor" continues his song of entreaty. If the call pleases
the spirit it will pass between the bamboo sticks and go to the sick
person in the _lawig_, but if it is not convinced that it should remain
it departs, and the patient dies. The sick person is kept in the spirit
house for a day and is then returned to his home.

[62] See page 133.

Little structures known as _bolon_ are erected for other spirits who may
be trying to injure the _almogol_ or attempting to persuade it to leave
its owner.

Certain ceremonies and offerings occur after a death, at the birth of a
child, at planting and harvest times, and when the warriors are about to
start on a raid; all of which will be spoken of in a later paragraph.
When approaching a place known to be owned by certain spirits, it is
thought wise to make a small offering. On the trail to Ma-al is a large
rock which marks the divide between the mountains and the open cogon
lands. As the writer's party approached this stone one of the men
removed some of his leg bands and placed them beside the rock, at the
same time praying the _busau_ to "take the present and do not let any of
our party fall sick or be injured on the journey." It is also customary
for a man who wishes to buy anything or to make a trade, first to make
an offering of betel-nut to the spirit of some rich man, and to ask his
help in the venture.

Some new clearings are cut in the jungle each year, after the
constellation _Balatik_ has risen out of the sea. The spirits place this
sign in the heavens to notify all that the land should be cleared, but
it does not call for a sacrifice as in the case of the people we have
previously described. At that time the men cut the trees and underbrush,
and after allowing them to dry, fire them. They also make the holes into
which the women drop seed rice.

When the land is ready for planting, a little house called _botabwE_ is
built in the center of the field, and beside it is placed a platform or
table, _sina-al_, on which is an offering of food. Early in the morning,
while the others sleep, the owner and his wife carry the seed rice to
the field and place it on the _botabwE_. After a time they eat some of
the food which has previously been offered and then begin to plant,
beginning close to the spirit house. Soon they are joined by other
workers who aid them in the planting. These assistants do not receive
payment for their services other than food while working and like help
when in need. At this time a bamboo pole, with one end split and spread
open like a cup,[63] is placed in front of the elevated platform of the
family dwelling and the guardian spirit of the fields is promised that
after the harvest he will receive the new seed rice. While the rice is
growing the men attend to the fences and the women keep down weeds or
frighten birds and other intruders away. When the crops have matured all
the people of a neighborhood will meet at the home of the chief, and
there celebrate a ceremony known as _Pandoman_. Two bundles of rice are
laid on a mat in the center of the room, and beside them a spear is
thrust into the floor. These are offerings to the great spirits MElu and
Dwata who are besought to give health to the workers while they are
gathering crops. As soon as this offering is made, the men begin to
build the rice granaries; meanwhile the women silently guard the mat and
gifts, for until the new storehouses are completed there must be no
dancing or merry-making. When all is ready for the harvest, the wife of
the owner goes alone to the field, and having cut a few heads of grain,
she carries them back to the house. One portion is placed in the _sabak_
another on a little platform, _gramso_, near to the house, as an
offering to MElu and Dwata; and the balance is cooked and eaten by the
family. The following morning all the women go to the fields to gather
the harvest. When the last bundle has been carried to the house a
celebration begins, agongs and _EdEl_[64] furnish the music for the
dancers, and for a day and a night all feast and make merry; then the
workers return to their homes carrying small gifts of cooked food or new
rice.

[63] This pole which is here known as _sabak_ is the same as the
_tambara_ of the Bagobo. See p. 66 and Fig. 12.

[64] See p. 110 note. [Transcriber's note: 30 pages earlier.]

Aside from clearing the land and helping somewhat with the rice crops,
the men seldom concern themselves with work in the fields but leave the
cultivation of corn, sweet potatoes, tobacco, and the like to the women.

A large part of the food of the tribe is furnished by the fruits and
herbs of the jungle and here again the women are the chief providers.
Although in the sago industry both sexes have well defined duties.

Along the edge of the cogon lands are many large _buri_ palms,[65] from
which a starch commercially known as sago is secured. The men cut down a
tree close to its roots and remove the hard outer bark, thus exposing
the soft fibrous interior (Plate LIII); then a section of bamboo is bent
so as to resemble an adze[sic], and with this the men loosen or break up
the soft interior portion of the trunk. This is removed to a near-by
stream, and is placed in a bark vat into which water is led by means of
bamboo tubes. Here a woman works it with her hands until the starch
grains are separated from the fibrous matter. As the water drains slowly
out the fine starch is carried with it into a coarse cloth sieve, which
retains all the larger matter but allows the starch to be carried into
another bark vat below. Fresh water passes slowly through this lower
vat, removing the bitter sap from the flour, which is deposited on the
bottom of the vat. From time to time this is scraped up and placed in
baskets where it is kept until needed. The flour, while rather
tasteless, is nutritious and in years of drought is the chief source of
food supply.

[65] _Corypha umbraculifera_.

Preparation of the meals, care of the children, basket and mat making,
weaving and decoration of clothing, take up most of the time of the
women when they are not engaged in the cultivation of the fields or in
search of forest products.

The hardest work in the fields falls to the men; they also strip the
hemp needed in weaving, while a few of them are skilled workers in brass
and copper and turn out bells and other ornaments not at all inferior to
those of the coast natives. Their methods of casting as well as their
manufactures are identical with those of the Bagobo from whom they
probably learned the art. So far as could be learned no iron work is
done by members of this tribe, and the few spears and knives possessed
by the warriors seem to be trade articles.

The old men claim that until recent years the bow and arrow was their
sole offensive weapon. It is certain that today they have a greater
variety of arrows and are more skillful in the use of this type of
weapon than are any of their neighbors. None of the weapons found on the
gulf side of the divide appeared to be poisoned, but a number secured by
Major Porter from the Lake Buluan region seem to have been so treated
(Fig. 38). Different types of arrows have been developed for different
purposes; one for fighting, another for deer and pig, another for
monkeys, and still others for fish and birds (Fig. 39). Birds are killed
also by means of reed blow guns, identical in type with those shown on
page 73, Fig. 18. As a rule such weapons are used by boys. Pitch sticks
(Fig. 40), chicken snares, and fish traps are in common use, but bird
nets and wooden decoys seem to be unknown.

FIG. 38. BOWS, ARROWS AND QUIVER FROM LAKE BULUAN REGION.

FIG. 39. BOWS AND ARROWS IN COMMON USE.

FIG. 40. PITCH STICK USED IN THE CAPTURE OF SMALL BIRDS.

When on a raid warriors carry beautifully carved shields, bows and
arrows, spears, and fighting knives (Plates LIV-LV). They are in bad
repute with the coast natives, but are really far less warlike and
troublesome than any of their neighbors. Their isolated dwellings serve
as protection against invaders, but at the same time make it difficult
to gather large bodies of men for raiding purposes. It is only when
urged on by an invasion of their country, by a desire for revenge for
real or fancied wrongs, or when a victim is needed for a sacrifice that
great raids are planned. Before a war party is to start against an enemy
the leader takes eight pieces of betel nut and some leg bands and
placing them on his shield, bids his followers lay their weapons upon
them. Addressing the guardian spirit of the warriors, he speaks as
follows: "Now listen Lamot ta Mangayo, let the person who killed my
brother come to meet us even though his head does ache, for now we offer
to you. Give us good fortune in the fight." Upon returning from the fray
they place eight whole betel nuts, together with leaves, on a plate, and
having set it outside the house, one of the warriors calls to MElu
saying: "If the brother of the man we have killed in payment for my
brother calls on you for aid, you must not give heed, for here we make a
present to you."

There are no restrictions placed upon a pregnant woman, who, as a rule,
continues her regular duties until near the time of delivery.[66] When
the first pains begin an old man or woman offers four pieces of betel
nut to MElu, and to the spirit of the child's grandfather, if deceased.
The midwife prepares a drink which is supposed to aid in the delivery,
and after the birth she cuts the umbilical cord with a bamboo knife. She
also assists about the house for a time, and for these services receives
two or three Chinese plates, some small knives, rings for the right arm,
and some needles. The father is not under any restrictions at this time,
but for a day of two he will gather young _patina_ palms and from them
prepare food for his wife.

[66] A woman does not work during her periods, and any food prepared by
her at that time would be refused by all who knew her condition.

From birth until marriage the career of the child is without special
event. He is a welcome addition to the family, but no ceremonies attend
either his naming, or his arrival at the age of puberty.

As a rule, a youth does not take a wife until he is near twenty years of
age, and then his mate is generally of his own choosing. Having decided
upon a suitable girl he informs his parents and the friends he may wish
to accompany him when he goes to her home to press his suit. Arrived at
the house, the father of the suitor expresses his belief that his son
wishes to reside there since he now asks the daughter for his wife. In
reply he is told that the family is poor, having neither agongs,
animals, or other things of value. The suitor at once makes an offering
of some of these desired articles, but whatever the gift may be, a
return present equal to half its value must be made.[67] Should the
girl's parents reject the gift all negotiations would be called off and
the guests return home, but as a rule, both families are well aware of
and favorable to the expected wedding sometime before the visit of the
groom's parents. After the exchange of gifts, food is furnished first to
the guests and later to the couple, who in the presence of all the
friends, feed each other with rice and are henceforth considered as
husband and wife. Until after the birth of a child the couple live with
the girl's family and the groom serves his father-in-law. After the
birth of an heir the couple establish a home of their own and to it the
husband may bring other wives if he desires. He pays a price for these
new wives, but does not give any services to their families. The first
mate is considered superior to the others, and in case her husband dies,
she acts as administrator of his property; however, the children of a
second wife share equally with those by the first marriage.

[67] Note the similarity to the Bagobo custom. Page 101.

The evening following a death, the friends gather and throughout the
night sing of the virtues of the deceased and of their own sorrow. The
body is placed on a mat in the center of the house and for three days is
watched over by the relatives, who, during this time, abstain from
music, dancing, shouting, or loud talking. The women cease from weaving
and the men refrain from all labor. A breaking of this taboo would
result in the certain death of the offender, for the spirit of the dead
man is still near at hand and is sure to wreak his vengeance on those
who show him disrespect. Finally, the body is wrapped in mats and is
buried at some little distance from the house. All the people return to
the dwelling, where the headman makes a cup out of leaves, and having
placed in it a narrow belt or string, together with betel leaves, sets
it adrift on a near-by stream, while all the men shout.[68] This removes
the ban, so that all the people can resume their regular occupations.

[68] See pp. 157 and 161. [Transcriber's note: This is page 144.]

If the deceased has been a person of great importance, the death should
be followed eight days later by a human sacrifice. This rite, while less
common than with the Bagobo, is by no means infrequent, and may be
occasioned by several causes beside that of death. For instance, if a
person has been ill for a long time and his relatives have become
convinced that an enemy has used magic to bring about the misfortune,
they may seize and sacrifice him, even though he be a member of their
own community. A case is known where a thief was put to death in this
manner. As there is considerable variation in the accounts of this
important ceremony the writer has thought it wise to give the
descriptions of two eye-witnesses.

The first informant was an eighteen year old Bila-an boy of Labau named
Lantingari. His account is as follows:

"Sololin of Ma-al, the wife of Karan, a Bila-an living near Digos, died
and her husband, in company with Umook, Gamban, and Bunod, Bagobos of
Digos, and the people of Labau, decided that a sacrifice was necessary
both because of the death and in order that the size, wealth, and fame
of the tribe might be increased. About this time Dianon, a Bila-an of
Latian (now deceased), caught a man named Saligon stealing camotes,
sugar-cane, and corn from the land.[69] He bound and tied the man, and
after a conference with Karan, Dianon agreed to turn over his prisoner
for the sacrifice if paid five agongs and one gun.

[69] The woman Sololin had planted this sugar-cane and is reported to
have eaten some of it just prior to her death. The cane stolen was from
the patch, but the informant could not say whether or not this had
anything to do with later developments.

"The sacrifice took place on a stream called Matinao near Labau during
the new moon. Two poles were sunk into the ground seven feet apart, and
a cross-piece attached about six feet above the ground. The culprit was
tied with hands crossed, one on each side of the horizontal pole so that
his arms were high above his head, and his feet were fastened to a
stake.

"The men gathered close around the poles, but the women and children
stood at a distance. Karan took his stand just back and to the right of
the victim, and Umook stood in front on the left side. Both unsheathed
their knives and then they called upon the spirits Dwata, MElu and Lamot
ta Mangayo to look and see that they were killing the man because of his
great fault; if this were not true they surely would not kill him.[70]
At this point Saligon, the victim, told the men that he was not afraid
to die, that if they killed him, their fault would be great, but that if
they would release him, he would return at once to his home in Bilawan
and would not cause them any trouble because of what they had proposed
to do. When he stopped talking, Karan struck him from in front just
below the ribs with his fighting knife, and Umook struck him from in
back. The other men present who were willing to pay for the privilege
then struck at the body with their knives. The body was then cut down
and buried in a shallow grave already prepared for it. No parts were
carried away, although in some cases the women take the long hairs of
the victim and sew them in the designs on the men's trousers in place of
black thread."[71]

[70] The informant here added that if the man had not been guilty, Karan
and Umook would surely have been punished with sickness; but since they
were not ill, it is certain that he was bad, and that Dwata had taken
his body up and would not punish his murderers.

[71] The informant further volunteered, that the Bila-an make a
sacrifice every two years, and that several years ago his uncle named KE
was the victim. At that time he was too young to remember the details.

Datu Baklay who now lives near the Padada river, but was formerly a
resident of the Malalag cogon plains, claims that the ceremony is not a
yearly event, as is the case with the Bagobo, neither does it follow
each death; but if the deceased has been a person of great importance or
a member of the ruler's family it should take place in eight days,
regardless of the phase of the moon or the position of the stars. He
further insists that neither _Balatik_ nor any other constellation
governs the time of an offering, nor does such a ceremony insure better
crops or success in war. He describes the sacrifice following the death
of Datu Kalayan, his father, as follows:

"A Bila-an slave was purchased for one agong and preparations made for a
sacrifice. A small house without floor or sides was built in the forest
some distance from the town, and in this were two upright poles which
supported a crossbeam at a height of about seven feet. Near them and
inside the house a shallow grave was dug and then the victim was brought
in. He was tied to the horizontal pole, hands crossed one on each side
of the beam. The men filled the house, leaving a free place only near
the victim, and the women and children crowded close around in the yard.
After addressing the spirits, Lamot ta Mangayo, MElu, and Dwata, I
placed my spear to the man's side, and then all the male relatives took
hold of the shaft and at my signal forced the weapon through the body.
Other men then cut at the body with their knives, finally releasing it
from the pole. While it lay on the ground the women and boys were
allowed to enter the house and throw spears at it, after which it was
buried."

Baloey, a Kagan living at Padada, claims to have seen a Bila-an
sacrifice at Ma-al, about ten years ago, while Bagobo Datu Ansig of
Talun, and Tongkaling of Cibolan claim to have witnessed several of
these events. As their accounts agree in most particulars with the two
just recorded, it seems probable that we have here a fairly accurate
account of a rite which no white man has seen or can hope to see.

In studying the decorative art of this people a person encounters the
same difficulties as with the Bagobo. Nearly all garments are covered
with elaborate patterns (Plates LVI-LX), to some of which all the people
will give the same names and explanations; but by far the greater
portion of the designs have only pattern names which are unexplained.
Many designs are readily identified as men and alligators. In Fig. 41
the forms marked a are identified as men and women, while the
conventionalized crocodile is shown in the same plates by the figures
marked b. Fig. 42 is perhaps the most interesting since it shows in one
garment the process of conventionalization. Nos. 1, 2, 3 and 4, are
realistic representations of the human form; in 5 and 6 the heads are
lacking but the figures are easily recognized, while the balance have
lost all resemblance to the original, except for the uplifted arms and
spread legs, However, the great majority of decorative patterns on
clothing are without meaning to the mass of the people, and this is true
also of the designs on baskets, in mats, the incised designs often seen
on pottery jars, and of the carvings which frequently cover hangers,
tobacco tubes, and the like.

FIG. 41. DESIGNS EMBROIDERED ON MEN'S CLOTHING.

FIG. 42. DESIGNS EMBROIDERED ON MEN'S CLOTHING.

The language of this tribe, while quite uniform among its divisions,
varies considerably from that of any of their coast neighbors. There is
at once noticeable a more common use of obscure vowel and consonant
sounds, such as b, f, E, a, and k, in the beginning, end or even in the
body of the word; while the letter f, seldom found in Philippine
dialects, is here very common; and finally, there is wide variation in
vocabulary.

There are certain ill-defined tales to the effect that this tribe once
lived about Lake Buluan, and one writer[72] has attempted to show that
the tribal name is derived from that early home. Today they are still in
considerable numbers in that region, and this together with the fact
that they are now, and have been since the advent of the white man,
primarily an interior mountain people, helps to give credence to the
belief that they have spread to their present homes from the lake
district. Their language is a further proof that they have long been
separated from the people of the Davao Gulf region, for it differs more
from all the other dialects studied than did any of these vary among
themselves. Despite the foregoing statement, this brief sketch has shown
that in material culture, religion, and even physical type this tribe
does not differ radically from the Bagobo.

[72] BLUMENTRITT, _Smithsonian Report_ for 1899.



III. KULAMAN.

SYNONYMS.

(a) CULAMANES.

(b) MANOBO.

According to Governor Bolton this tribe numbers about thirty-five
hundred individuals and occupies a considerable portion of the coast,
and adjacent mountains, from the Padada river on the north to Sarangani
Bay on the south. On the east side of Davao Gulf its members are found
along the beach and in the mountains, from Sigaboy to Cape San Agustin,
and also in a few scattered villages on the southeastern Pacific Coast.

By their neighbors they are known as Kulaman or Manobo. The former
designation is translated as "bad man," but it is probable that they
received the name from the town of Kulaman, where they formerly resided.
They are equally well known as Manobo--a word meaning "man." Earlier
writers, misled by these two names, have generally treated this people
as forming two distinct groups, but this is quite incorrect, both names
being applied to a part or to the whole of the tribe. It has also been
customary to describe them as a part of the great Manobo tribe which
inhabits a large portion of Central and Northeastern Mindanao. The
writer is of the opinion that there is not sufficient evidence to
justify such a classification and that for the present we must consider
them as distinct from the Manobo of the northern district as are the
other tribes of Davao Gulf.

According to their own tales, the Kulaman once held all the coast from
the Padada River to Sarangani Bay, but did not extend far back from the
sea, since in the mountains lived the Tagakaolo and Bila-an with whom
they were constantly at war. When the Moro appeared on their coasts and
offered help against the hill tribes in return for land, they were
gladly received and were given several village sites near to the mouths
of various rivers. Aside from a few minor quarrels, the Kulaman have
always lived on friendly terms with these later comers, and not a few of
the tribe have been converted to Mohammedism.

Influenced by their new allies they organized under several petty rulers
who were subservient to the datu at Kulaman, and with this superior
organization they were able to carry on such successful warfare against
the hill tribes that the Tagakaolo were, for a time, partially under
their rule.

When the Spaniards arrived and undertook to subdue the Moro, the Kulaman
cast their lot with their Mohammedan allies, and even after the power of
the Moro was broken, they remained irreconcilable and frequently raided
the settlements under the care of the Spanish priests.

The recent history of the tribe, as told by Datu Bongkalasan of Padada,
as is follows: "About a hundred years ago when Gogo became _datu_, he
left Kulaman and settled at Piapi, not far from Padada, and planted the
cocoanut trees which can still be seen there. He was a man with a very
small head, but his arms were as large as a man's legs. He lived until
very old, and during his lifetime never did any work but was always a
great warrior. Under him the tribe became strong and all the other
_datu_ feared him. When he died his son Kolatau my uncle, succeeded him.
Like his father, he was a great warrior and all the neighboring tribes
paid him slaves and other tribute. His two sons died during his
lifetime; so upon his death the leadership fell to me, Bongkalasan."

By the time Bongkalasan became ruler, the influence of the Spaniards was
strong enough to break the power of any coast _datu_, and after a
hostile demonstration by the new ruler his town was destroyed and his
following scattered. A part of the people took to the hills while others
migrated to the east side of the Gulf and settled near Sigaboy. It is
not believed that any members of this tribe were in that vicinity prior
to this time. A further migration took place shortly after the arrival
of the Americans, when a brother of Bongkalasan took a number of the
Kulaman over to Sigaboy. A certain amount of communication is kept up
between the people on both sides of the Gulf and the dialects are still
so similar that it is certain the separation has not been for any great
period of time.

Upon the establishment of American rule a number of hemp planters
settled along the coast and soon their inducements to laborers began to
scatter the people, until today members of this tribe can be found as
far north as Santa Cruz. The power and influence of the _datu_ has waned
until he now has a following of less than two hundred people. Only that
portion of the tribe which retired to the hills still maintains any
semblance of their old prowess and even those groups are growing smaller
year by year.

At the height of their power the men of the tribe were noted as
boat-builders[73] and fishermen. Fighting also took up a considerable
portion of their time, for added to their desire for loot and slaves was
a demand for victims imposed by the warrior deity. The women cultivated
little patches of corn, camotes, and some cocoanuts, and at certain
seasons all the members of the tribe went to the forest to gather sago,
but aside from this the sea furnished most of their food supply.
According to their own stories they did not cultivate rice until recent
years, and Datu Bongkalasan insists that none of the people planted rice
when he was a boy. It is his belief that all the ceremonies connected
with the rice culture were learned from the Tagakaolo and Bila-an.

[73] This art is now practically lost and their boats are secured from
the Moro.

From the Spanish writers[74] we hear little but evil of this people.
They are spoken of as warlike, superstitious, treacherous, and vengeful
as head-hunters "who expose the heads of their enemies on poles," and as
slavers. From Father GISBERT[75] we learn that in 1886, about twelve
hundred members of the tribe were converted to Christianity; but during
the period following the departure of the Spaniards most of them
deserted the faith and returned to the old life. Since American
occupation they have been among the most troublesome people of Southern
Mindanao, and only as late as 1911 were responsible for the death of a
number of planters and the destruction of the plantations in the
neighborhood of Nuin. They are rapidly breaking up as a tribe, and are
intermarrying with the coast natives and hill tribes, from both of whom
they are adopting artifacts and ideas. Already they have so altered
their dwellings that we cannot refer to a typical Kulaman home; their
house-hold utensils[76] are those of their neighbors, and this is true
also of most of the clothing, although one special type will be
mentioned later on.

[74] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. LV, p. 556.

[75] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 242.

[76] Long narrow hemp cloth pillows (fig. 43) and round waterproof boxes
with infitting, tray-like tops (fig. 44) are found in nearly every
house. The use of these two articles is not confined to this people, but
is typical of them. The same type of box is found among the Manobo of
the Agusan river valley.

FIG. 43. PART OF A HEMP CLOTH PILLOW COVER.

FIG. 44. WATERPROOF BASKET WITH INFITTING TOP.

As a result of their slave raids, and the adoption of captive women and
their offspring into the family, we find great variation in the members
of the tribe (Plates LXI-LXII).

Measurements on twenty-seven men gave the following results:

Height:--Maximum 169.0 cm.; minimum 146.0 cm.; average 158.3 cm.

Cephalic Index:--Maximum 86.4; minimum 71.7; average 78.1.

Length-Height. Index:--Maximum 76.5; minimum 61.9; average 68.4.

If these figures are compared with those of the Bagobo it will be seen
that there is little difference in the averages; however, this
similarity is less real than the figures indicate, for with the Kulaman
there are more individuals at both extremes. For example: the cephalic
indices of eight out of the twenty-seven were 80 or above, while six
were less than 75; again, in the length-height indices six were above 70
and an equal number less than 65. In other respects there is such
variation that it is hard to generalize. It is noticeable that there is
a greater tendency toward prognathism than we have heretofore met with;
the forehead, while high, is moderately retreating and the supra-orbital
ridges prominent in most individuals; the hair is brown-black and is
inclined to curl in locks. The wide variation of type within the tribe
is to be expected when we know that its members have been constantly
recruited from the neighboring tribes. It is even possible that a
considerable number of slave women from distant islands may have been
added to the group by purchase from the Moro.[77]

[77] According to early writers, the Moro of the Gulf carried on a
lucrative slave trade with this and other tribes. As the Moro raids were
made by water and often reached as far as the Northeastern coast of this
island and south to the Celebes it is quite possible that these remote
districts have helped in the upbuilding of the tribe under discussion.

The religious beliefs have many points in common with those of the
neighboring tribes, but there are some which require special notice.

Two powerful beings, TimanEm and his wife Diwata[78] are above all other
spirits.

[78] The Padada people say the term _diwata_ is a name which may be
applied to the _timanEm_, of whom there are two, a male and a female.

Mandalangan, also called Siling or Manobo Siring, is much like the
Bagobo divinity of similar name. He is fond of war and bloodshed and
when there has been a great slaughter he feasts on the flesh and drinks
of the blood of the slain. Only warriors can address him and make the
offerings of red food which he demands. Once a year, usually after the
rice harvest and when the moon is full, a raid must be made and victims
slain so that this spirit can feast.[79] If the Warriors fail to render
him this service Mandalangan will cause their bodies to swell up and
many will die, while sickness will visit all other members of the
tribe.[80]

[79] Data Bongkalasan says it was formerly the custom to make a foray at
each full moon.

[80] This was the reason given for the raid on the coast plantations in
1911.

The many spirits who inhabit rocks and large trees are generally
favorable to man and are collectively known as _magintalonan_.

Tama owns the deer and wild pigs, and no one hunts or traps in the
forest until he has made an offering of betel nut to this spirit. When
game is secured its tail and ears are strung on rattan and are hung in a
tree, in exchange for the live animal.

The _maniokan_, generally evil spirits, resemble snakes, and like them
live in the ground. People are frequently made lame by simply stepping
over their homes.

Each man and woman has a spirit, _kalaloa_,[81] dwelling in his body
during lifetime. At death this spirit goes into the sky, unless it
deserves punishment, in which case it is hurried to Kilot, a region
below. In either place these spirits keep close watch over the living
and bring success or disaster according to their will. They have come to
be looked upon as the guardians of the fields, and suitable offerings
are made to them at planting and harvest time.

[81] The Kulaman of Santa Cruz insist that each person has two
_kalaloa_, one on the right side and one on the left. At death the one
on the right side goes to a good place in the sky, where there is no
work and "thoughts come easy." The _kalaloa_ of the left side goes into
the ground to a poor place called Kilot. It is probable that the
neighboring Bagobo have influenced the beliefs of this group.

A few old men, _makating_, are thought to be able to address the spirits
with greater probability of success than the others; but they do not
stand in the same relation to the spirit world as do the _mabalian_ of
the Bagobo. The nearest approach to that class is a group of women known
as _lokEs_[82], who act as midwives and make use of roots and herbs in
curing sickness.

[82] In Santa Cruz known as _bagbabolan_ or _mananagamen_.

The people are warned of disaster or impending danger by various signs.
A snake crossing the trail is an imperative order for the traveler to
turn back; the call of the _limokon_[83] is likewise a warning, while
should one of the principals to any agreement sneeze during the
negotiations the project would be delayed or abandoned.

[83] See p. 63 note.

There is only slight development of beliefs and ceremonies in connection
with the cultivation of field crops, due probably to the recent adoption
of agriculture by the members of this tribe. A field is seldom planted
to rice for more than one season, after which the land is used for corn,
camotes, and the like, until the invasion of _cogon_ grass makes further
cultivation impossible.

As a result new land must be broken for each planting. When the
constellation _layag_ "a sail" and _balangay_ "a boat" appear in the
month of December, the people go to the desired plot, cut down the
trees, and when these are dry, fire them.

Before the planting can be begun the seed rice must be carried to the
center of the field where a bamboo pole, _talabinian_, and a stalk of
sugar-cane have previously been placed, as an offering to the _kalaloa_
who guard the land. Again at harvest time an offering of food is taken
to this spot and the spirits of the dead are besought as follows: "Do
not take our rice, but let it last for a long time, for now we give a
part to you." A meal and dance follow the offering and then all who
desire may aid in cutting the new rice.

No offerings are associated with the planting or harvesting of other
field crops, but the gathering of sago flour is attended by gifts to the
spirits of the dead and prayers for the health of the workers. The
method of obtaining and preparing the flour is the same as that already
described. Offerings are made before and after a hunt, and a man never
goes to fish without first placing a leg ring and some betel nut on the
sand close to the water, meanwhile saying, "You TimanEm must give us
some food; and you shall have your part." Upon his return he places a
small fish beside the first offering and is then free to take his catch
to the village.

In addition to the pursuits already outlined, we find that some of the
men are expert workers in iron (Fig. 45), copper, and brass, while the
women are weavers. Their weaving does not differ from that previously
described, but a peculiar type of decoration has been developed by this
tribe, and from them has spread somewhat to their neighbors. Waxed
threads are used to work designs into cloth so that when the fabric is
placed in dye the liquid will not reach the portions thus covered.
Later, when the threads are removed, white patterns appear on the red
background (See Plate LXIII).

FIG. 45. MAN'S KNIFE AND SHEATH.

Slaves are kept, but their duties are so similar to those of the
freeborn that it is impossible for the casual observer to pick out the
members of this class.

Until recent years a large part of the man's time was taken up in
preparation for or active participation in the inter-tribal fights.
There are several incentives for these raids. First is the desire for
loot and slaves; then comes the ambition of the young men to be
recognized as successful warriors; and finally, and most compelling is
the demand of the spirit Mandalangan for victims.

A man who has killed five or more persons is entitled to wear a red suit
covered with peculiar white designs (See Plate LXIII), and is henceforth
known as _mabolot_. When his score has reached twenty-five he receives
the still more honorable title of _maisEg_ and is then allowed to dress
entirely in black and to deck his hair with red flowers.[84]

[84] The flowers used are _Celosia cristata L., Graptophyllum hortense
nees_; _Coleus atropurpeus Benth_.

A raid is made only when the moon is full. A dish of red rice is
decorated with red flowers and is placed in the center of the room.
Around it the warriors stick their spears and then one of the oldest of
the company takes up a handful of the food and offers it to the spirit,
saying: "Mandalangan come and eat, for we are ready to fight; go with us
and help us." As he finishes his prayer each warrior takes a portion of
the rice and throws it out of doors, for "they are not yet worthy to eat
what Mandalangan has left." Returning to the room they all eat of white
rice and are ready for the raid. In addition to their spears they should
carry shields and fighting knives, and in recent years quite a number
have come into possession of firearms.

Although the warriors are bold in their attack and do not hesitate to
assault strong villages, they have no scruples against seizing or
killing members of small parties or the inhabitants of isolated
dwellings.[85] It is necessary that the raiders secure at least one
victim, otherwise another foray must be made at once. The body of the
slain is opened, the liver is extracted and is eaten by the warriors who
thus "become like Mandalangan."[86] The head, forearms, and lower part
of the legs are carried back to the village where they are cut to pieces
by the women and children. The men take no part in this mutilation of
the body, but as soon as the fragments are buried they begin to dance,
meanwhile holding their unsheathed knives high above their heads. After
a time the head-man blows loudly on a decorated bamboo trumpet (Fig.
46), while all the men unite in shouting "to announce their victory." At
last they have fulfilled all the commands of Mandalangan and without
fear they enter the house and partake of the red food which has been
offered to him.

[85] Should water fall by accident on a warrior who is on a raid, it is
considered a bad omen and the plans may be changed or delayed. In one
instance the owner of a place marked for attack fastened dishes of water
so that the marauders unwittingly knocked them over on themselves, and,
as a result, the place was left unharmed.

[86] At times the skull is opened and the brain eaten.

FIG. 46. TAMBOLANG OR BAMBOO TRUMPET.

The events just preceding and following the birth of a child are very
similar to those of the Bagobo, except that there are no restrictions of
any kind placed on the father and mother, neither are there any
ceremonies connected with the birth or naming of a child unless unusual
events have convinced the people that the spirits are in some way
displeased.[87]

[87] Triplets are killed, as with the Bagobo.

The afterbirth is placed in the care of an old woman who carries it
directly to a sturdy molave[88] tree and there attaches it to the
branches "so that the child may become strong like the tree." While on
this mission the bearer looks neither to the right nor to the left, nor
does she hesitate, for such actions on her part might influence the
disposition of the child or cause it to have physical deformities.[89]
No special attention is given to youths when they reach the age of
puberty, although it is customary to file and blacken their teeth at
about that period.

[88] Vitex littoralis Decne.

[89] Similar beliefs are held by the Tinguian of Northern Luzon.

Marriage is attended by gifts and ceremonies, such as we have previously
described. We find the groom paying a price for his bride, but receiving
a return gift from her parents; the couple feed one another with rice
and are thereby legally married; and finally we learn that a child is
kept with them until they have had intercourse. It is customary for the
youth to serve his father-in-law-to-be for two or three years preceding
the wedding, after which he is released from such service.

As is the case with the neighboring tribes, polygamy is practiced, the
only bar to marriage being blood relationship. Upon the death of the
head of the family one-half of his property goes to his wife and half to
the children. If there are two or more wives, the first wife still
retains half, while all the children share equally in the balance of the
estate, thus leaving the second and succeeding wives without a portion.

Sickness may be caused by evil spirits, or it may be due to a desire on
the part of the _kalaloa_ to leave its present abode. In either case the
man becomes ill and it behooves him to take immediate steps to placate
the evil spirits or to convince his _kalaloa_ to remain with him. This
last can best be accomplished by bathing the sick person with water
which has been heated in a good _agong_. A fine dish would do equally
well, but should the hot water cause it to break the spirit would depart
at once. In extreme cases the _lokEs_ will gather certain roots and brew
them into a drink which she gives to the sick person. At each tree or
shrub visited in her search for medicines she leaves an offering of
betel nuts and leg rings, and when the drink has been prepared she makes
a further gift, meanwhile begging TimanEm to aid her in effecting a
cure. If all efforts fail and the spirit leaves, the corpse is placed in
the center of the house, where it is kept from two to nine days
according to the wealth and prominence of the deceased. During this time
no one should sleep in the dwelling, for the spirit might be resentful
and turn the face of the sleeper black.

Usually, the body is buried in the ground at a distance from the house.
The coffin is made out of a split log, in which weapons, jars, and the
like are placed for the use of the spirit. If the dead man has been a
warrior he is dressed in the clothing distinctive of his rank, and his
grave is covered with red flowers. At times the coffins are shaped to
resemble small boats and are then placed on high poles near to the
beach.

For a month following a funeral the relatives refrain from all
merrymaking. At the expiration of this period all go to a near-by river
and with their knives, cut to pieces a braided cord, which has been made
since the burial, and as they destroy it they shout "This is a man we
are killing. This is a man we are killing." Finally, the pieces are
thrown into the river and the period of taboo is past.



IV. TAGAKAOLO.

SYNONYMS.

(a) TAGAKAOLA.

(b) SAKA--"head of the river."

(c) KAGAN, KALAGAN, CALAGANES, CALAGARS.

(d) LAOC. According to the account of PASTELL,[90] this name is given to
a small, degraded division of the Tagakaolo who live in the mountains of
Haguimitan on San Augustin peninsula.

[90] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 259.

The present habitat and general condition of this tribe is nearly the
same as that of the Kulaman.

Prior to Spanish times they held the hill region back of the coast,
between Malalag and Lais. On the Gulf side they were barred from the sea
by the Kulaman and Moro, while in the mountains they encountered the
powerful Bila-an tribe.

About fifty years ago that part of the tribe living furthest to the
north united under the leadership of a brave warrior named Paugok, and
made war on the Bagobo. They were successful in this conflict and drove
their enemies from the rich valleys of the Padada and Bulatakay rivers,
where they established themselves. This brought them in close contact
with the Kulaman and Moro of the coast, with whom they lived on friendly
terms. The influence of the latter group was so great that the newcomers
not only adopted their style of dress, but also substituted cotton for
hemp in the manufacture of their garments. Today the members of this
tribe can still be recognized by their close fitting suits of red and
yellow striped cloth, from which they have received the name of
Kagan.[91] They have also been constant borrowers, from all their
neighbors, of ideas for house-building and utensils. They have
intermarried to some extent with the Kulaman, and in times past Bila-an
and Bagobo slave women have been added to the tribe.

[91] The general name applied to red cotton trade cloth.

Today practically all the members of the Kagan division are found living
on the American plantations along the Padada and Bulatakay rivers. They
are on friendly terms with their Tagakaolo kinsmen, and are still so
like them in language, social customs, and religious beliefs, that one
description will suffice for both.

At some unrecorded date a considerable, portion of the tribe migrated to
the east side of Davao Gulf, and settled near Cape San Agustin, where,
it is said, they now number more than two thousand.

The name Tagakaolo signifies "those who dwell at the head of the river,"
and is applied to all the hill people living between the coast and the
country of the Bila-an. They have always been broken up into small
groups, often at war with one another, yet they appear to be quite
uniform in type, language, and religious beliefs. In recent years many
of them have been induced to come down to the coast plantations, but the
great majority still remain in the mountains. They are of a turbulent,
warlike disposition, and have been a constant source of trouble to the
Spanish and American authorities.[92] At the time of the writer's visit
they had joined with the Kulaman in raiding the coast settlements, and,
as a result, were being vigorously pursued by the American troops; for
this reason it was only possible to gain information from those
remaining on the plantations.

[92] Members of this tribe were responsible for the murder of Governor
Bolton.

The total number of persons making up the tribe is estimated at six
thousand, but this is at best a mere guess.

There is scarcely any variation in physical type between the Kagan
branch and the Tagakaolo proper, while for the whole tribe there is less
variation between its members than in any group so far discussed.

The following results were obtained by measurements on twenty-seven men:

Maximum height 166.6 cm.; minimum 151.3 cm.; average 157.4 cm.

Cephalic indices--Maximum 89.7; minimum 76.3; average 81.5.

Length-height indices--Maximum 79.0; minimum 63.1, average 70.0.

These tables show that aside from being more short-headed, this tribe
differs little from the Bagobo, Bila-an, and Kulaman. Like the Kulaman,
they have high foreheads, often full and vaulted but quite as frequently
retreating from well-marked supra-orbital ridges. They are slightly more
prognathous than the Kulaman, and in the majority of cases the hair is
curled in locks. The teeth are usually mutilated and blackened, while
shaving of the eyebrows and tattooing of the left forearm and breast are
quite common.

The historians of the tribe tell us that all the Tagakaolo are descended
from Lakbang, MEngEdan, and his wife Bodek. In the beginning these three
persons lived on a small island in the sea. Two children, Linkanan and
Lampagan, were born to them and they in turn were parents of two
birds--the _kalau_ and _sabitan_. These birds flew away to other places
and returned with bits of soil which their parents patted and moulded
with their hands until they had formed the earth. Other children were
born and from them have come all the people who now inhabit the land.

Two powerful spirits, _Diwata_ and _TimanEm_, watched the formation of
the world, and when it was completed the latter spirit planted trees
upon it. He still takes considerable interest in the affairs of men and
each year sends the spirits Layag and Bangay,[93] as stars, to tell the
people when to prepare their land for the planting of crops.

[93] See page 154.

Other spirits, less friendly, have existed from the first time. Of these
one named Siling causes much trouble by confusing travelers through the
forest. Spirits of unborn children--_mantianak_[94]--wander through the
forest crying "ina-a-a" (mother), and often attack human beings. The
only way persons thus assailed can hope to escape is by running to a
stream and throwing water on the abdomens of their pursuers.

[94] Frequently called _busau_.

The powerful spirit Tama owns the deer and wild pig, and is usually kind
to hunters who offer him proper gifts. Should they fail in this duty he
may cause them to become lost or injured. Mandalangan (Mandangan) is
known as a powerful spirit who loves war and bloodshed, but he is so
closely interwoven in the minds of the people with TimanEm that it is
doubtful if he should be classed as a separate spirit.

In addition to these beings are the _kawE_, or shades of the dead, the
chiefs of whom are the people who created the earth. During life the
_kawE_ live in the body, but after death they go to the sky where they
remain the greater part of the time. They do return to earth at certain
seasons, to aid or injure the living, and it is usually one of their
number who keeps guard over the rice-fields. Certain persons known as
_balian_ can talk to these spirits and from them have learned the
ceremonies which the people should perform at certain seasons, and at
the critical periods of life. In the main these ceremonies are so
similar to those just described that it is useless to repeat. The
proceedings at a birth, marriage, or death are practically identical
with the Kulaman, as are also those at planting and harvest time. A
slight variation was noticed after the rice planting at Padada, when all
the workers placed their planting sticks on an offering of rice and then
poured water over them "so as to cause an abundance of rain." Another
difference is noticed following the death of a warrior. His knife lies
in its sheath beside the body for seven days and during that time can
only be drawn if it is to be used in sacrificing a slave. If such an
offering is made it is carried out in much the same way as the Bagobo
sacrifice, except that the bereaved father, son, or brother cuts the
body in halves.

If it is impossible to offer a slave, a palm leaf cup is filled with
water and is carried to the forest. Here the relatives dance and then
dip the knife and some sticks in the water for "this is the same as
dipping them in blood." Later they are carried back and hung up in the
house of mourning.

According to the long established custom, warriors must go to fight once
each year, when the moon is bright. Spears, fighting knives, bows and
arrows, sharpened bamboo sticks, and shields have long been used, and to
these several guns have been added in recent years.

The attack is from ambush and the victims are generally cut to pieces,
although women and children are sometimes taken captive. Tufts of hair
taken from the slain are attached to the shields of the warriors, and an
arm is carried back to the home town "so that the women and children can
cut it to pieces and become brave."

The foregoing account shows that the Kagan and Tagakaolo living on the
hemp plantations differ very little from their neighbors, whom we have
previously described. It may be that an investigation, carried on in
peaceful times, far back in the mountains, will show that more radical
differences exist in the great body of the tribe.



V. ATA.

The people classed under this name are the least known of any of the
wild inhabitants of Mindanao. They probably receive their name from the
word _atas_ which signifies "those up above" or "the dwellers in the
uplands." It does not appear that they form a single tribe, or that they
are even of uniform type.

The writer did no intensive work with them, and the following notes make
no pretense of being first-hand knowledge. I have drawn on all possible
sources for this scanty information, but am mostly indebted to the
letters and reports of the late Governor Bolton, who, without doubt,
knew more of this people than any other white man.

I am thus compelled to make my descriptions vague; indeed, my one excuse
for dealing with the Ata is to bring together such information as we
possess in the hope that it may be of value to some other worker who may
later take up the task of studying this little known people.

According to Governor Bolton, the Ata inhabit the regions west and
northwest of Mt. Apo, the headwaters of the Davao river--north and west
of the Guianga--as well as the headwaters of the Lasan, Tuganay, and
Libagawan rivers. In all these regions they extend over the watershed,
converging toward the center of the island at the headwaters of the
Pulangi river.

It should be noted at the outset that the Eto or Ata, living between the
Guianga and Bagobo, should not be included in this division.

In the region about Mt. Apo they are closely allied to the Obo and
Tigdapaya,[95] while in the region adjoining the Guianga they have
intermarried with that people and have adopted many of their customs as
well as dress. On the headwaters of the Lasan river we are told that
they are known as Dugbatang or Dugbatung; that they are a timid
degenerate branch having no fixed habitations and very little clothing;
they are small, with crispy hair, and often decorate their bodies with
tattooed designs. About twenty miles up the Tuganay river Governor
Bolton encountered a similar group of Ata whom he describes as being
very wild. From the headwaters of this river he crossed over near to the
source of the river Libagawan where he discovered a hitherto unknown
people--the Tugauanum. These he believed were mixed Malay and Negrito,
with crispy or curly hair and sharp features.

[95] See p. 128.

While in the central part of Mindanao, on the headwaters of the Pulangi
river, the writer saw about fifty people known as Tugauanum who came
over the mountains to trade. They were certainly of mixed ancestry,
showing a distinct infusion of Negrito blood, and in other respects
conforming to the description of Governor Bolton. Among articles of
barter carried by them were the typical knives and hemp cloth of the
west side of the Davao gulf region, showing that they are at least in
the line of trade with the tribes we have already studied.

According to their own stories, the original home of the tribe was along
the river Mapula which flows into the Tuganay near its source. Governor
Bolton tells of hearing, while in this section, of a people called
Dedaanum "who were small and black and had curly hair," but who had all
been killed by the Tugauanum. He was also informed that a numerous tribe
of very small black people called Tugniah lived on the headwaters of the
river Omiern, which flows north of the Libagawan. They were said to live
in trees, to plant nothing, and to subsist on sago flour. "Their bolos
are like sabers and they use lances, bows, and arrows."

The Governor classes the Tugauanum as Ata "since they speak the same
language" but he adds "they are probably the same race as the
Libabaoan." This latter people are elsewhere in his notes referred to as
Guibabauon or Dibabaoan. They live along the headwaters of the Tagum
river and are, he believes, a mixture of Ata and Mandaya.[96]

[96] The writer believes that the Libabaoan are probably the same as the
Divavaoan who are classed as a branch of the Mandaya. See p. 165.

From one source we learn that the Ata are small, in many respects
resembling the Negrito; that they are timid and are either nomads or
build their houses high in the branches of trees. Another writer tells
us that they are a superior type, with aquiline noses, thick beards, and
are tall. "They are very brave and hold their own with the Moro." We are
also told that they cultivate the soil and build good houses.

The estimates concerning their numbers are equally conflicting. Governor
Bolton gives the population as six thousand; the report of the
Philippine Commission for 1900 credits them with eight thousand, while
Father Gisbert believed that they aggregated "not less than twenty
thousand souls."

The divergent reports are due to the fact that up to the year 1886 only
one village of this people had been visited,[97] and since that time
only a few hasty trips have been made into their territory.

[97] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, pp. 242-3.

From our present information it seems probable that the Ata are
descendants of an early invading people who intermarried first with the
early Negrito inhabitants, and later with other tribes with which they
came in contact. They have been free borrowers from their neighbors in
all respects, and hence we find them occupying all the steps from the
nomad condition of the pygmy blacks to the highly specialized life of
the Guianga.

The following account of their beliefs was extracted from letters
written by Governor Bolton. He fails to designate the section from which
the information was gathered, but its similarity to Bagobo and Guianga
makes it probable that the account comes from the Ata dwelling near
those people. Considerable variation will doubtless be found in other
districts.

"The greatest of all the spirits is Manama[98] who made the first men
from blades of grass, weaving them together until they resembled a human
form. In this manner he made eight persons--male and female--who later
became the ancestors of the Ata and all the neighboring tribes. Long
after this the water covered the whole earth and all the Ata were
drowned except two men and a woman. The waters carried them far away and
they would have perished had not a large eagle come to their aid. This
bird offered to carry them to their homes on its back. One man refused,
but the other two accepted its help and returned to Mapula.

[98] See page 106.

"The other deities are Mandarangan, Malalayug, god of agriculture;
Mabalian, the spirit who presides over childbirth; Tarasyub and
Taratuan, the guardian spirits of the brass and iron workers;
Boypandi--the spirit who guards over the weavers."

While in the Ata country the Governor observed certain customs of the
people. As his party approached the palisaded house of Madundun they
stopped for twenty minutes to perform a ceremony called _anting-anting_.
"An old man waved his shield and a cloth, meanwhile repeating mysterious
words. Then each man was given a chew of betel-nut and was well rubbed
with a charm." "At Tuli a swarm of bees passed over the house just as
the party was ready to start. This was taken as a sign that some of the
party would be killed by the arrows of the enemy, hence they refused to
go." "Likewise, if the dove _limokan_ calls on the left side of the
trail the party will refuse to proceed, unless another _limokan_ answers
the call from the right side of the path."



VI. MANDAYA.

("Inhabitants of the Uplands").

SYNONYMS.

(a) MANSAKA ("Inhabitants of the mountain clearings"). This name is
applied to those Mandaya who formerly dwelt far back in the mountains.
Many of this division have recently emigrated to the coast and are now
found at the north and east part of Davao Gulf.

(b) PAGSUPAN. The appellation by which the members of this tribe, living
near the Tagum and Hijo rivers, are known.

(c) MANGWANGA or MANGRANGAN ("Dwellers in the forests"). A name by which
are designated those Mandaya who live in the heavily forested mountains
skirting the coast.

(d) MANAGOSAN or MAGOSAN. The members of the tribe living on the
headwaters of the Agusan river bear this name.

(e) DIVAVAOAN. A division which inhabits a small district to the south
and west of Compostela. Very little is known of this people, but from
the information now at hand it seems that they should be classed as a
branch of the Mandaya.

HABITAT.

This tribe occupies both slopes of the mountain range which borders the
Pacific ocean, from about 9 degrees of North latitude south nearly to
Cape San Agustin. Its members are also found in considerable numbers
from the head of the Agusan drainage nearly to the town of Compostela,
and several settlements of this people are to be found along the Hijo
and Tagum rivers, while in recent years a number have established
themselves on the eastern side of Davao Gulf.

Generally speaking, this whole region is extremely mountainous and at
the same time heavily wooded. It is only when the Agusan, Hijo, and
Tagum rivers are approached that the country becomes more open. On the
Pacific coast there are few harbors, for the mountains extend down
almost to the water's edge forming high sheer cliffs. Aside from the
three rivers mentioned the water courses are, for the greater part,
small and unnavigable and a short distance back from the coast appear as
tiny rivulets at the bottom of deep canyons.

There is no organization of the tribe as a whole, since each district
has its local ruler who is subject to no other authority. These
divisions I are seldom on good terms, and are frequently in open warfare
with one another or with neighboring tribes.

Despite this lack of unity and the great area they inhabit, their
dialects are mutually intelligible, and in other respects they are so
similar that I believe we are justified in regarding them as one group
linguistically, physically, and culturally.

DESCRIPTION.

Measurements made on fifteen men and five women gave the following
results:

Height--Men: Maximum 161.3 cm., minimum 145.1 cm., average 153.9 cm.

Women: Maximum 152.3 cm., minimum 144.1 cm., average 146.8 cm.

Cephalic index--Men: Maximum 89.1, minimum 76.3, average 84.6.

Women: Maximum 84.8, minimum 75.2, average 81.3.

Length-height index--Men: maximum 78.7, minimum 64.5, average 74.2.

Women: Maximum 81.8, minimum 75.0, average 77.4.

From these figures it appears that there is considerable variation
between individuals, but a closer study of the charts shows that the
majority of those measured come closer to the averages than do the
members of any other group here mentioned (Plates LXIV-LXIX).

Both sexes wear the hair long and comb it to a knot at the back of the
head. The women generally bang the hair over the forehead, while the men
allow a lock to fall in front of each ear. The hair is brown-black and
generally slightly wavy, although four individuals with straight hair
were seen.

The forehead is high, and in about half the persons observed somewhat
retreating; however, full, vaulted foreheads are by no means uncommon.
The distance from the vertex to the tragus is uniformly great.

The cheek bones are quite prominent, while the whole face tapers from
above so as to be somewhat angular. In twenty per cent of the men the
root of the nose seemed to be continuous with the supra-orbital ridge,
which, in such cases, was strongly marked. In general the root of the
nose is broad, low, and depressed, and there is a tendency for the ridge
to be somewhat concave. The lips are thick and bowed, but there is
little or no prognathism.

The skin of the body is not tattooed or mutilated in any other way, but
the eyebrows are often shaved to a thin line, and the teeth are filed
and blackened. Filing was formerly done with small stones but imported
files are now used for this purpose. The coloring is effected by chewing
the roots of the _anmon_ vine and applying to the teeth the "sweat"
caught on a steel blade, held above burning bark of the _magawan_ tree.
This practice seems to have no significance other than that of
beautifying the person and saving the youth from the ridicule of his
fellows. To keep the teeth black, tobacco treated with lemon juice which
has stood on rusty iron is chewed frequently.

Despite constant statements to the effect that the members of this tribe
are light-colored and the assertion of one writer[99] that at least one
division is white, observations made with the V. Luschan color table on
more than fifty individuals showed that while certain persons are
somewhat lighter than their fellows, as was also the case in other
tribes, there is not an appreciable difference in color between this
tribe and the others of the Gulf region.

[99] LANDOR, The Gems of the East. It should be noted that the district
from which the white tribe was reported is now fairly well known and
there seems to be no reason to believe that the people residing there
differ materially in color from the other natives of the island.

CLOTHING.

The ordinary man of the tribe wears a loosely fitting shirt and wide
trousers made of white or blue cotton cloth. (Plate LXIX-LXX). These
garments are frequently decorated with embroidered designs and are
finished at the shoulders and knees with a cotton fringe. The trousers
are supported at the waist by means of a belt, and below reach nearly to
the ankles.[100] An incised silver disk is attached to the front of the
jacket, while ornaments of beads, seeds, and alligators' teeth encircle
the neck.

[100] Along the coast this type of garment is now seldom seen, for the
men are adopting the close-fitting dress of the Moro.

When on the trail the man covers his head with a little palm bark hat
(Fig. 47). This is sometimes conical, but more frequently is narrow and
turned up at the front and back. Painted designs, betel wings, and
chicken feathers make the hat a striking decoration which compensates
for its lack of utility.

FIG. 47. MEN'S HATS.

A class of warriors known as _bagam_[101] dress in red and wear turbans
of the same hue, while women mediums, _ballyan_,[102] may also make use
of red cloth.

[101] See p. 180. [Transcriber's note: This is page 167.]

[102] See p. 174.

Other women wear blue cotton jackets, in the fronts and back of which
are many artistic embroidered designs. Their hemp cloth skirts, like
those of the Bagobo, are made tube-like and are held at the waist by
means of belts. They are very careless about the hang of these garments
and one side may be above the calf of the leg while the other drags on
the ground (Plate LXVII). No head coverings are worn, but quite
elaborate combs (Fig. 48) are thrust into the knots of hair at the back
of the head. Wooden ear plugs (Fig. 49) ornamented with incised silver
plates and with bead and silver pendants fit into openings in the lobes
of the ears. Like the men they wear necklaces of beads, sweet smelling
herbs, and seeds. Many of the latter are considered to have medicinal
value and are eaten to cure pains in the stomach. One or more silver
disks are worn on the chest or over the breasts, while anklets, such as
are used by the women of the other tribes, are frequently seen. Both
sexes are fond of bracelets of brass, shell, or vines, as well as of
finger rings of tortoise shell and silver (Plate LXXI).

FIG. 48. WOMAN'S COMB.

FIG. 49. FAR PLUGS WITH BELL PENDANTS.

None of the garments contain pockets, and in order to make up for this
deficiency the men carry bags (Plate LXX) suspended on their backs by
means of bands which pass over the shoulders. In these they carry their
betel-nut outfits, tobacco, and the like. Small covered waterproof
baskets (Plate LXVIII) serve the same purpose for the women and are
carried at the back or at the side.

HISTORY.

Probably no wild tribe in Mindanao has received so much mention in
histories, reports, and books of travel as have the Mandaya, but these
references have been, in the main, so vague and often so misleading that
they are of little value for our purposes. Quite in contrast with this
mass of material are the excellent reports of the late Governor Bolton,
and Mr. Melbourne A. Maxey,[103] who for a number of years has been
closely associated with the members of the tribe residing in the
vicinity of Cateel. In the preparation of this paper frequent use has
been made of the notes gathered by these two gentlemen.

[103] Published in the Mindanao Herald.

When the first white men visited the tribe they found that the
neighboring Moro were making frequent raids on their villages and were
carrying away women and children whom they sold to the Bagobo and other
tribes of the Gulf.[104] At the same time it was learned that they, in
turn, were slave holders and were eager to purchase captives from the
Mohammedan raiders. The great distances traveled by the Moro in their
raids make it possible that slaves from distant islands may thus have
been introduced into the tribe. Later we shall see that it was difficult
for a slave or a descendant of a slave to become a freeman, yet it was
by no means impossible, and it is likely that a considerable part of the
tribe are descendants of people brought to the district through purchase
and capture. Another possible source of outside blood is suggested by
well verified stories of castaways on the east coast of Mindanao and
adjacent islands.[105] While working with the Mandaya in the region of
Mayo bay the writer was frequently told that three times, in the memory
of the present inhabitants, strange boats filled with strange people had
been driven to their coasts by storms. The informants insisted that
these newcomers were not put to death but that such of them as survived
were taken into the tribe. These stories are given strong substantiation
by the fact that only a few months prior to my visit a boat load of
people from the Carolines was driven to the shores of Mayo bay and that
their boat, as well as one survivor, was then at the village of Mali.
(Plate LXXII). I am indebted to Mr. Henry Hubbel for the following
explicit account of these castaways: "One native banca of castaways
arrived at Lucatan, N. E. corner of Mayo Bay, Mindanao, on January 2nd,
1909. The banca left the Island of Uluthi for the Island of Yap, two
days' journey, on December 10th, 1908. They were blown out of their
course and never sighted land until January 2nd, twenty-two days after
setting sail. There were nine persons aboard, six men, two boys, and one
woman, all natives of Yap except one man who was a Visayan from Capiz,
Panay, P. I., who settled on the Island of Yap in 1889. These people
were nineteen days without food or water except what water could be
caught during rain storms. The Visayan, Victor Valenamo, died soon after
his arrival, as a result of starvation. The natives recovered at once
and all traces of their starvation disappeared within two weeks. The men
were powerfully built, nearly six feet high. Their bodies were all
covered with tattoo work. The woman was decorated even more than the
men. Fever soon took hold of these castaways and in a year's time all
died except one small boy who seems to have become acclimated and will
become identified with the natives in Mati. I took care of these people
until they died.

[104] BLAIR and ROBERTSON. The Philippine Islands, Vol. XLIII, p. 203.

[105] FOREMAN. The Philippine Islands, pp. 257-9. JAGOR. Travels in the
Philippines, Ch. XX.

"The clothing worn by the men and woman was nothing but the 'lavalava,'
a scarf of sea-grass fiber about 18 inches wide and five feet long. This
was worn around the loins.

"The banca, which was of very curious construction, was taken to
Zamboanga last year by General Pershing, to be placed in Moro Province
Museum."

After the advent of the Spaniards into their territory a considerable
number of this people were converted to the Christian faith and were
induced to settle in villages. There they met and intermarried with
Visayan and other emigrants who had followed the Spaniards to the South.
During the time of the Spanish rule these settlements were partially
destroyed by Moro raiders, and following the Spanish-American war these
attacks became so frequent that many of the inhabitants deserted their
homes and returning to their mountain kinsmen again took up the old
life. The effect of this return is especially noticeable in the vicinity
of Caraga where as late as 1885 there were 596 Mandaya converts.

Several attempts were also made to colonize the Mandaya near the mouths
of the Tagum and Hijo rivers, but the restlessness of the natives or the
hostility of the Moro was always sufficient to cause the early break up
of the new settlements.

The last great influence on this tribe has come through American
planters who have prevailed upon the more venturesome members to come
down to the coast plantations and there adopt the life of the
Christianized natives. Many of these adventurers have returned to their
mountain homes, carrying with them new ideas and artifacts and, in some
cases, wives from other tribes. With all these influences at work there
has been considerable modification of the life in many districts,
particularly along the Pacific coast. This description will attempt to
give the old life of the tribe as it still exists in the more isolated
districts, or as it was related by older people of the coast
settlements.

MYTHOLOGY AND RELIGION.

In order to enter into a full understanding of the social, economic, and
aesthetic life we must have some knowledge of the mythology and
religious beliefs, for these pervade every activity.

Several stories accounting for natural phenomena and the origin of the
tribe were heard. One of these relates that the sun and moon were
married and lived happily together until many children had been born to
them. At last they quarreled and the moon ran away from her husband who
has since been pursuing her through the heavens. After the separation of
their parents the children died, and the moon gathering up their bodies
cut them into small pieces and threw them into space. Those fragments
which fell into water became fish, those which fell on land were
converted into snakes and animals, while "those which fell upward"
remained in the sky as stars.

A somewhat different version of this tale agrees that the quarrel and
subsequent chase occurred, but denies that the children died and were
cut up. It states that it is true that the offspring were animals, but
they were so from the time of their birth. One of these children is a
giant crab named _tambanokaua_ who lives in the sea. When he moves about
he causes the tides and high waves; when he opens his eyes lightning
appears. For some unknown reason this animal frequently seeks to devour
his mother, the moon, and when he nearly succeeds an eclipse occurs. At
such a time the people shout, beat on gongs, and in other ways try to
frighten the monster so that he can not accomplish his purpose.[106] The
phases of the moon are caused by her putting on or taking off her
garments. When the moon is full she is thought to be entirely naked.

[106] The writer found almost identical beliefs and practices among the
Batak and Tagbanua of Palawan.

According to this tale the stars had quite a different origin than that
just related, "In the beginning of things there was only one great star,
who was like a man in appearance. He sought to usurp the place of of the
sun and the result was a conflict in which the latter was victorious. He
cut his rival into small bits and scattered him over the whole sky as a
woman sows rice."

The earth was once entirely flat but was pressed up into mountains by a
mythical woman, Agusanan. It has always rested on the back of a great
eel whose movements cause earthquakes. Sometimes crabs or other small
animals annoy him until, in his rage, he attempts to reach them, then
the earth is shaken so violently that whole mountains are thrown into
the sea.

A great lake exists in the sky and it is the spray from its waves which
fall to the earth as rain. When angered the spirits sometimes break the
banks of this lake and allow torrents of water to fall on the earth
below.

According to Mr. Maxey, the Mandaya of Cateel believe that many
generations ago a great flood occurred which caused the death of all the
inhabitants of the world except one pregnant woman. She prayed that her
child might be a boy. Her prayer was answered and she gave birth to a
son whose name was Uacatan. He, when he had grown up, took his mother
for his wife and from this union have sprung all the Mandaya.

Quite a different account is current among the people of Mayo. From them
we learn that formerly the _limokon_,[107] although a bird, could talk
like a man. At one time it laid two eggs, one at the mouth and one at
the source of the Mayo river. These hatched and from the one at the
headwaters of the river came a woman named Mag,[108] while a man named
BEgenday[109] emerged from the one near the sea. For many years the man
dwelt alone on the bank of the river, but one day, being lonely and
dissatisfied with his location, he started to cross the stream. While he
was in deep water a long hair was swept against his legs and held him so
tightly that he narrowly escaped drowning. When he succeeded in reaching
the shore he examined the hair and at once determined to find its owner.
After wandering many days he met the woman and induced her to be his
wife. From this union came all the Mandaya.

[107] See p. 63 note.

[108] Also known as Manway.

[109] Also known as Samay.

A variant of this tale says that both eggs were laid up stream and that
one hatched a woman, the other a snake. The snake went down the current
until it arrived at the place where the sea and the river meet. There it
blew up and a man emerged from its carcass. The balance of the tale is
as just related. This close relationship of the _limokon_ to the Mandaya
is given as the reason why its calls are given such heed. A traveler on
the trail hearing the cooing of this bird at once doubles his fist and
points it in the direction from whence the sound came. If this causes
the hand to point to the right side it is a sign that success will
attend the journey.[110] If, however, it points to the left, in front,
or in back, the Mandaya knows that the omen bird is warning him of
danger or failure, and he delays or gives up his mission. The writer was
once watching some Mandaya as they were clearing a piece of land,
preparatory to the planting. They had labored about two hours when the
call of the _limokon_ was heard to the left of the owner. Without
hesitation the men gathered up their tools and left the plot, explaining
that it was useless for them to plant there for the _limokon_ had warned
them that rats would eat any crop they might try to grow in that spot.

[110] Maxey states exactly the opposite, for the Mandaya of Cateel, _i.
e._, the right side is bad, the left good.

The people do not make offerings to this bird, neither do they regard it
as a spirit, but rather as a messenger from the spirit world. The old
men were certain that anyone who molested one of these birds would die.

Another bird known as _wak-wak_ "which looks like a crow but is larger
and only calls at night" foretells ill-fortune. Sneezing is also a bad
omen, particularly if it occurs at the beginning of an undertaking.
Certain words, accompanied by small offerings, may be sufficient to
overcome the dangers foretold by these warnings. It is also possible to
thwart the designs of ill-disposed spirits or human enemies by wearing a
sash or charm which contains bits of fungus growth, peculiarly shaped
stones, or the root of a plant called _gam_. These charms not only ward
off ill-fortune and sickness, but give positive aid in battle and keep
the dogs on the trail of the game.[111]

[111] The use of these magic sashes, known as _anting-anting_, is
widespread throughout the southern Philippines both with the pagan and
Mohammedan tribes.

There is in each community one or more persons, generally women, who are
known as _ballyan_. These priestesses, or mediums, are versed in all the
ceremonies and dances which the ancestors have found effectual in
overcoming evil influences, and in retaining the favor of the spirits.
They, better than all others, understand the omens, and often through
them the higher beings make known their desires. So far as could be
learned the _ballyan_ is not at any time possessed, but when in a trance
sees and converses with the most powerful spirits as well as with the
shades of the departed. This power to communicate with supernatural
beings and to control the forces of nature, is not voluntarily sought by
the future _ballyan_, but comes to the candidate either through one
already occupying such a position or by her being unexpectedly seized
with a fainting or trembling fit, in which condition she finds that she
is able to communicate with the inhabitants of the spirit world. Having
been thus chosen she at once becomes the pupil of some experienced
_ballyan_ from whom she learns all the secrets of the profession and the
details of ceremonies to be made.

At the time of planting or reaping, at a birth or death, when a great
celebration is held, or when the spirits are to be invoked for the cure
of the sick, one or more of these women take charge of the ceremonies
and for the time being are the religious heads of the community. At such
a time the _ballyan_ wears a blood-red waist,[112] but on other
occasions her dress is the same as that of the other women, and her life
does not differ from their's in any respect.

[112] PEDRO ROSELL, writing in 1885, says that the _ballyan_ then
dressed entirely in red. BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 217.

When about to converse with the spirits the _ballyan_ places an offering
before her and begins to chant and wail. A distant stare comes into her
eyes, her body begins to twitch convulsively until she is shivering and
trembling as if seized with the ague. In this condition she receives the
messages of the spirits and under their direction conducts the ceremony.

Rosell gives the following description of the possession of a
_ballyan_.[113] Nothing of this nature was seen by the writer.

[113] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, p. 218.

"They erect a sort of small altar on which they place the _manaugs_ or
images of the said gods which are made of the special wood of the
_bayog_ tree, which they destine exclusively for this use. When the
unfortunate hog which is to serve as a sacrifice is placed above the
said altar, the chief _bailana_ approaches with _balarao_ or dagger in
hand which she brandishes and drives into the poor animal, which will
surely be grunting in spite of the gods and the religious solemnity, as
it is fearful of what is going to happen to it; and leaves the victim
weltering in its blood. Then immediately all the _bailanas_ drink of the
blood in order to attract the prophetic spirit to themselves and to give
their auguries or the supposed inspirations of their gods. Scarcely have
they drunk the blood, when they become as though possessed by an
infernal spirit which agitates them and makes them tremble as does the
body of a person with the ague or like one who shivers with the cold."

SPIRITS.

The following spirits are known to the _ballyan_ of the Mayo district:

I. DIWATA. A good spirit who is besought for aid against the
machinations of evil beings. The people of Mayo claim that they do not
now, nor have they at any time made images of their gods, but in the
vicinity of Cateel Maxey has seen wooden images called _manaog_, which
were said to represent Diwata on earth. According to his account "the
_ballyan_ dances for three consecutive nights before the _manaog_,
invoking his aid and also holding conversation with the spirits. This is
invariably done while the others are asleep." He further states that
with the aid of Diwata the _ballyan_ is able to foretell the future by
the reading of palms. "If she should fail to read the future the first
time, she dances for one night before the _manaog_ and the following day
is able to read it clearly, the Diwata having revealed the hidden
meaning to her during the night conference."[114]

[114] In the Mayo district palmistry is practiced by several old people
who make no claim of having the aid of the spirits. Bagani Paglambayon
read the palms of the writer and one of his assistants, but all his
predictions were of an exceedingly general nature and on the safe side.

Spanish writers make frequent mention of these idols,[115] and in his
reports[116] Governor Bolton describes the image of a crocodile seen by
him in the Mandaya country "which was carved of wood and painted black,
was five feet long, and life-like. The people said it was the likeness
of their god." Lieutenant J. R. Youngblood, when near the headwaters of
the Agusan River, saw in front of a chief's house "a rude wooden image
of a man which seemed to be treated with some religious awe and
respect." Mr. Robert F. Black, a missionary residing in Davao, writes
that "the Mandaya have in their homes wooden dolls which may be idols."

[115] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XII, 269, XLIII, p. 217, etc.

[116] Filed in the office of the Governor of Davao.

From this testimony it appears that in a part of the Mandaya territory
the spirit Diwata, at least, is represented by images.

2. Asuang. This name is applied to a class of malevolent spirits who
inhabit certain trees, cliffs and streams. They delight to trouble or
injure the living, and sickness is usually caused by them. For this
reason, when a person falls ill, a _ballyan_ offers a live chicken to
these spirits bidding them "to take and kill this chicken in place of
this man, so that he need not die." If the patient recovers it is
understood that the _asuang_ have agreed to the exchange and the bird is
released in the jungle.

There are many spirits who are known as _asuang_ but the five most
powerful are here given according to their rank, (a) Tagbanua, (b)
Tagamaling, (c) Sigbinan, (d) Lumaman, (e) Bigwa. The first two are of
equal importance and are only a little less powerful than Diwata. They
sometimes inhabit caves but generally reside in the _bud-bud_ (baliti)
trees. The ground beneath these trees is generally free from undergrowth
and thus it is known that "a spirit who keeps his yard clean resides
there." In clearing ground for a new field it sometimes becomes
necessary to cut down one of these trees, but before it is disturbed an
offering of betel-nut, food, and a white chicken is carried to the plot.
The throat of the fowl is cut and its blood is allowed to fall in the
roots of the tree. Meanwhile one of the older men calls the attention of
the spirits to the offerings and begs that they be accepted in payment
for the dwelling which they are about to destroy. This food is never
eaten, as is customary with offerings made to other spirits. After a
lapse of two or three days it is thought that the occupant of the tree
has had time to move and the plot is cleared.

In former times it was the custom for a victorious war party to place
the corpses of their dead, together with their weapons, at the roots of
a _baliti_ tree. The reason for this custom seems now to be lost.

3. Busau. Among the Mandaya at the north end of Davao Gulf this spirit
is also known as Tuglinsau, Tagbusau, or Mandangum. He looks after the
welfare of the _bagani_, or warriors, and is in many respects similar to
Mandarangan of the Bagobo.[117] He is described as a gigantic man who
always shows his teeth and is otherwise of ferocious aspect. A warrior
seeing him is at once filled with a desire to kill. By making occasional
offerings of pigs and rice it is usually possible to keep him from doing
injury to a settlement, but at times these gifts fail of their purpose
and many people are slain by those who serve him.

[117] p. 106.

4. OMAYAN, OR KALALOA NANG OMAY, is the spirit of the rice. He resides
in the rice fields, and there offerings are made to him before the time
of planting and reaping.

5. MUNTIANAK is the spirit of a child whose mother died while pregnant,
and who for this reason was born in the ground. It wanders through the
forest frightening people but seldom assailing them.[118]

[118] The belief in a similar spirit known as Mantianak is widespread
throughout the southern Philippines.

6. Magbabaya. Some informants stated that this is the name given to the
first man and woman, who emerged from the _limokon_ eggs. They are now
true spirits who exercise considerable influence over worldly affairs.
Other informants, including two _ballyan_ denied any knowledge of such
spirits, while still others said _magbabaya_ is a single spirit who was
made known to them at the time of the _Tungud_ movement.[119] Among the
Bukidnon who inhabit the central portion of the island the _magbabaya_
are the most powerful of all spirits.

[119] p. 179.

7. Kalaloa. Each person has one spirit which is known by this name. If
this _kalaloa_ leaves the body it decays, but the spirit goes to
Dagkotanan--"a good place, probably in the sky." Such a spirit can return
to its former haunts for a time and may aid or injure the living, but it
never returns to dwell in any other form.

In addition to those just mentioned Governor Bolton gives the following
list of spirits known to the Mandaya of the Tagum river valley. None of
these were accepted by the people of Mayo district. According to rank
they are Mangkokiman, Mongungyahn, Mibucha Andepit, Mibuohn, and Ebu--who
made all people from the hairs of his head.

For the neighboring Mangwanga he gives, Likedanum as the creator and
chief spirit, Dagpudanum and Macguliput as gods of agriculture, and
Manamoan--a female spirit who works the soil and presides over
childbirth. All of these are unknown to the Mandaya of the Pacific
coast.

While in the Salug river valley Governor Bolton witnessed a most
interesting ceremony which, so far as the writer is aware, is quite
unknown to the balance of the tribe. His quotation follows: "One
religious dance contained a sleight of hand performance, considered by
the people as a miracle, but the chiefs were evidently initiated. A man
dressed himself as a woman, and with the gongs and drums beaten rapidly
he danced, whirling round and round upon a mat until weak and dizzy, so
that he had to lean on a post. For a time he appeared to be in a trance.
After resting a few minutes he stalked majestically around the edge of
the mat, exaggerating the lifting and placing of his feet and putting on
an arrogant manner. After walking a minute or two he picked up a red
handkerchief, doubled it in his hand so that the middle of the kerchief
projected in a bunch above his thumb and forefinger; then he thrust this
into the flame of an _almaciga_ torch. The music started anew and he
resumed his frantic dance until the flame reached his hand when he
slapped it out with his left hand, and stopped dancing; then catching
the kerchief by two corners he shook it out showing it untouched by
fire. The daughter of Bankiaoan next went into a trance lying down and
singing the message of Tagbusau and other gods to the assemblage. The
singing was done in a small inclosed room, the singer slipping in and
out without my seeing her."

The letters of Pedro Rosell written at Caraga in 1885 contain many
references to the duties of the _ballyan_. In one account he records the
following song which he says is sung by the priestesses when they invoke
their gods Mansilatan and Badla.[120]

[120] BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. XLIII, pp. 217-21, and Vol. XII, p. 270.

"Miminsad, miminsad si Mansilatan

Opod si Badla nga magadayao nang dumia

Bailan, managunsayao,

Bailan, managunliguit."

This means:

"Mansilatan has come down, has come down.

Later (will come) Badla, who will preserve the earth.

Bailanas, dance; bailanas, turn ye round about."

This Rosell takes as "a confirmation of the most transcendental
questions of our true religion," for in Mansilatan he finds the
principal god and father of Balda, "who descended from the heavens where
he dwells, in order to create the world. Afterwards his only son Badla
came down also to preserve and protect the world--that is men and
things--against the power and trickery of the evil spirits Pudaugnon and
Malimbung." The writer made persistent inquiry among the Mandaya to the
south of Caraga, but could not find a trace of a belief in any one of
the four spirits named; neither are these spirits mentioned in the notes
of Governor Bolton, nor in the excellent description of the people about
Cateel, furnished by such a careful observer as Mr. Maxey. It seems that
this account, together with the song and its translation, must have been
gathered from other than Mandayan sources. Long before 1885 the town of
Caraga had become one of the strongholds of the church on the east coast
of Mindanao, and Christianized settlers from all the southern islands
had come to the vicinity.[121] It is probable that Rosell's information
was secured from Christianized or Moro emigrants, and the first spirits
named refer to Badhala--Bathala, or Batala--"the all powerful," and Dian
Mansalanta--"the patron of lovers and generation."[122]

[121] They are often referred to as _Caragas_ in the early writings.

[122] Further information regarding these spirits will be found in the
Relations of Loarca, 1582 (BLAIR and ROBERTSON, Vol. V, p. 171), and the
Relation of Juan de Plasencia, 1589 (_ibid_, Vol. VII, pp. 189-96, Vol.
XII, p. 265). It is worthy of note that the Bagobo spirit Toglat, who is
one of the pair responsible for marriages and births, is sometimes
addressed as Maniladan.

THE TUNGUD MOVEMENT

In 1908 a religious movement known as _tungud_ started among the
Manobo[123] at the source of the Rio Libaganon. Soon it had spread over
practically the whole southeastern portion of Mindanao, and finally
reached the Mandaya of the Pacific Coast. According to Mr. J. M. Garvan,
of the Philippine Bureau of Science, the movement was instigated by a
Manobo named Mapakla. This man was taken ill, probably with cholera, and
was left for dead by his kinsmen. Three days later he appeared among the
terrified people and explained, that a powerful spirit named Magbabaya
had entered his body and cured him. He further stated that the world was
about to be destroyed and that only those persons who gave heed to his
instructions would survive. These instructions bade all to cease
planting and to kill their animals for, he said, "if they survive to the
end they will eat you." A religious house or shrine was to be built in
every settlement, and was to be looked after by divinely appointed
ministers. Those persons who were at first inclined to be skeptical as
to the truth of the message, were soon convinced by seeing the Magbabaya
enter the bodies of the ministers, causing them to perform new, frantic
dances, interrupted only by trembling fits during which their eyes
protruded and gave them the semblance of dead men.

[123] Not the Kulaman.

By the time the _tungud_ had reached the Mayo district it had lost most
of its striking features, but was still powerful enough to cause many of
the Mandaya to kill their animals and hold religious dances. The coast
Moro, who at that time were restless, took advantage of the movement to
further a plan to drive American planters and Christianized natives from
the district. The leading Mandaya were invited to the house of the Moro
_pandita_[124] "to see the spirit Diwata." During several nights the son
of the _pandita_ impersonated the spirit and appeared in the darkened
room. Over his chest and forehead he had stretched thin gauze and
beneath this had placed many fire-flies, which to the imaginative people
made him appear superhuman. His entrance into the room was attended by a
vigorous shaking of the house, caused by a younger brother stationed
below. A weird dance followed and then the spirit advised the people to
rise and wipe out the whole Christianized population. The Mandaya had
become so impressed by the nightly appearance of Diwata that it is more
than probable they would have joined the Moro in their project had not
an American planter at Mayo learned of the plot. He imprisoned the
leaders, thus ending a scheme which, if successful, would have given new
attributes to at least one of the spirits.

[124] The religious head of the settlement.

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

The before-mentioned _ballyan_ direct the religious observances of the
tribe. Their mysterious powers give them great influence among their
fellows but, nevertheless, they are subservient to the local ruler.

The tribe is divided into many small groups, each of which is governed
by a _bagani_. To reach this coveted position a man must have
distinguished himself as a warrior and have killed at least ten persons
with his own hand.[125] The victims need not be killed in warfare and
may be of any sex or age so long as they come from a hostile village.
When the required number of lives has been taken, the aspirant appeals
to the neighboring _bagani_ for the right to be numbered in their select
company. They will assemble to partake of a feast prepared by the
candidate and then solemnly discuss the merits of his case. The petition
may be disregarded entirely, or it may be decided that the exploits
related are sufficient only to allow the warrior to be known as a half
_bagani_. In this case he may wear trousers of red cloth, but if he is
granted the full title he is permitted to don a blood-red suit and to
wear a turban of the same hue. This distinction is eagerly sought by the
more vigorous men of the tribe and, as a result, many lives are taken
each year.

[125] At Mayo it was said that it is necessary to kill only six, but the
two _bagani_ living there had each killed more than twice that number.
Among the Mansaka the number required is often as high as thirty.

A short time ago a candidate entered the district of Bungalung on the
east coast of Davao and killed thirty-two persons. In that same section
are now living five _bagani_ who have gained this title by similar
exploits.[126] Whole communities become involved in feuds as a result of
these individual raids, for it is the duty of a murdered man's family to
seek revenge for his death. It is not necessary that they kill the
offender, as any member of his family or settlement will suffice. In
some districts the unmarried relatives of a murdered person are not
allowed to wed until the death is avenged.

[126] These are Maclingtong at Pandisan; Pankard at Tagauanan;
Kasicknan, Lewanan, and Malangit, in the mountains between Taguanan and
Piso.

Instances are known where the old men have conferred the title of
_bagani_ upon the son of some deceased warrior. In such a case the
recipient of the honor starts at once to fulfil the requirements of
election, for otherwise he brings disgrace to himself and family. In his
own settlement the oldest of the _bagani_ becomes supreme ruler, and if
powerful enough he may extend his influence to a considerable distance.
In a few cases on the East coast the holders of the title have so
instilled fear of themselves into the neighboring districts that they
have been able to levy blackmail, even on the Christianized natives. War
parties are led by these wearers of the red garments, and they also
enforce the laws handed down from their forefathers.

The day a warrior is elevated to this order he is in a large measure cut
away from his fellows. He no longer associates with them as equals but
eats his meals alone, unless it happens that other _bagani_ are present.

Below the _bagani_ in rank come the warriors, a class which includes
practically all the able-bodied free men; and still below them are the
slaves. Slavery was an ancient institution with this people when the
Spaniards first visited their country, and it has continued to flourish
up to the present, in all districts a little removed from the influence
of the white man. The great majority of slaves are secured by capture,
but until recent years the Moro of the coast have carried on a lucrative
slave trade with this tribe. Girls and women become members of their
master's household, but their children are treated as slaves. Captive
boys and men aid their masters in the chase and in the fields, and in
most cases it would be hard indeed for a stranger to pick servant from
master. Sometimes the people of a neighboring village ransom one of
their fellows and in such a case the freed slave may return to his old
home or he may become a free member of the community in which he has
been serving.

DWELLINGS

The insecurity of life resulting from the conditions described has
caused the people to build their homes high in the branches of trees,
often so situated on the edge of cliffs that they can be approached only
from one direction (Plates LXXIII-LXXIV).

Two sorts of dwellings are commonly seen. Of these, the rudest rest on
the limbs of trees, and conform in size and shape to the nature of the
supporting branches. Some few houses of this kind have horizontal sides
and sloping roofs, but more frequently a roof which slopes directly from
a central ridge pole to the edges of the platform does away with the
necessity of side walls.

The second and more common type of house is shown in Plate LXXIV. Here
the top of the tree has been cut off some fifteen or twenty feet above
the ground leaving a stump to serve as a part of the foundation. Many
smaller poles help support the floor and then extend upward to form the
wall and roof stays. The upper flooring of beaten bark rests on
cross-beams which have been lashed to the uprights. Above it are
occasional horizontal poles, forming a skeleton to which the walls of
_nipa_ palm are fastened. In some houses two or three of the foundation
poles extend above the floor to such a height that they are used as the
supports for the ridge pole. In others true king posts rest on the
beams, which in turn are supported by the corner poles. From the ridge a
number of smaller rods extend to or project out over the side walls, and
on them rests the roofing of _nipa_ palm. A space of several inches
often intervenes between the roof and the side walls. The whole
structure is so firmly lashed together with rattan that it is capable of
withstanding severe storms, despite the fact that it gives and creaks
with every wind. During violent storms the house is further secured by
anchoring it with rattan lines to nearby trees.

Entrance to the dwelling is gained by means of bamboo or rattan ladders.
These are drawn up at night, and with all means of access thus removed
the inhabitants need have little fear of a surprise attack. If enemies
do attempt to dislodge them the defenders have the advantage of their
elevated position in the use of their weapons.

Generally, each house contains only one room which varies in size
according to the number of inhabitants. Frequently two or three families
are found living in one house, for it is the custom for the suitors, and
often for the husbands of the married daughters, to live with the girls'
people.

Near the door, or in one comer of the room, is a small box of earth in
which several stones are imbedded. This constitutes the hearth, about
which is found a miscellany of pots, jars, and other kitchen vessels.
The smoke finds its way out through a small opening at each end of the
roof, or through the narrow space under the eaves. There is no
recognized arrangement of the room. Utensils[127] are scattered
promiscuously about and when the inhabitants are ready to sleep they
occupy such parts of the floor as are free or can be most easily
cleared.

[127] These consist of baskets, rice mortars, and winnowers, weaving
outfits, bark dye vats, as well as traps and weapons, nearly all of
which are so similar to those already described for the Bagobo that they
do not call for special notice here.

The people of a community build their houses within a short distance of
one another, yet seldom so close together as to form a village. However,
village life is not entirely unknown, for in the vicinity of Cateel
Governor Bolton found six houses, partially surrounded by palisades,
perched on the top of a conical hill.

Lieutenant Youngblood gives the following description of the people and
dwellings seen by him near the upper waters of the Agusan river:

"The people seemed to be living in an atmosphere of fear as far as
intercourse with the world outside their crater-like valley was
concerned. They believed it was death to look upon the sea, of which
they had heard disjointed tales, but which none of them had ever seen.
They feared the coast people with a mortal fear, justified perhaps by
the experiences of occasional meetings in times gone by. They fear each
other to a certain extent, especially men who live further north of the
headwaters of the Agusan. This ever-present state of fear gives coloring
to their whole life. They take to the brush at the least unwonted sound.
They make their clearings on the steep mountainsides and in these build
two or three of their houses in strategic positions. In the very
construction of their dwellings the idea of security in case of attack
is predominant.

"The houses in this section are generally built in clearings on the
sawn-off trunk of some giant tree and placed from the ground some forty
or fifty feet. Numerous posts help support the structure, entrance to
which is gained by a notched pole firmly set in the ground and held in
place by tightly wound bejuca. Oftentimes this stair pole is bowed
outwards slightly, which gives it a peculiar appearance and requires a
considerable amount of skill in climbing. The front and only door to
these houses consists of a section of the floor composed of hewn plank,
hinged at one end. One end of this is raised by a bejuca rope during the
day, while at night it is let down forming a solid floor throughout the
house.

"The roof is of shingles made from mountain cane; the floor and sides of
hand-hewn logs and planks; the roof is at no place more than seven feet
from the floor and is blackened on the inside from smoke. The largest
house visited in this locality was that of Chief Leuanan, and this was
some twenty feet square. These houses consist of one room and are
inhabited by two or more families."

AGRICULTURE

About the settlements are the fields in which rice, corn, camotes,
sugar-cane, and a small amount of tobacco, cotton and hemp are raised.
However, the crops are usually so small that even with the addition of
game and forest products there is, each year, a period closely bordering
on starvation. New clearings are frequently made near to the old, for
the primitive tools[128] with which the people work are ill-fitted to
combat the incursion into the open land of the rank cogon grass. Only
the exhaustion of suitable timber land for a new clearing, the
prevalence of an epidemic, or the near approach of a powerful enemy will
cause the people to move their homes from one district to another.

[128] These consist of a mall axe, working knife, and planting stick.

We have already referred to the important part the _limokon_ plays in
the selection and clearing of a new plot of ground,[129] and to the
offerings made to the spirits when it becomes necessary to cut down
certain trees.[130] The crops, aside from the rice, are planted and
harvested without further reference to the spirit world, but the
cultivation and care of this cereal can only be carried on according to
certain fixed conditions.

[129] See pages 173 and 177.

[130] Near Cateel the wishes of the spirits are learned by means of
cords. A number of strings are tied together in the center and the knot
is buried. The loose ends are then joined and if it happens that the two
ends of a cord have been tied together it is taken as a sign that the
spirits give their consent to the proposed clearing.

About November first, when a group of seven stars called _poyo poyo_
appears in the west, it is a signal for all who expect to clear new land
to begin their labors. By December first this constellation rises
straight above and it is then time to plant. This is further confirmed
by the appearance of a star known as _sabak_. If any have delayed their
planting until the middle of December they are given a last warning when
the stars forming _Bayatik_[131] appear.

[131] This is the same as _balatik_, page 62.

As soon as the land has been cleared a pole is placed in the center of
the field and is surrounded by a fence. This is known as _tagbinian_ and
seems to be erected in honor of the spirit Omayan, although by some it
is insisted that it is intended for his residence. The seed rice is
deposited inside the enclosure[132] and the men begin to prepare the
soil about it. This they do by thrusting sharpened sticks into the
ground, thus making holes an inch or two in depth. Taking rice from the
_tagbinian_ the women follow, dropping seeds into the holes.

[132] Maxey relates that at planting and harvest tune the Mandaya of
Cateel carry offerings to the _baliti_ trees and there offer it to
Diwata, in supplication or thanks for an abundant crop.

When the harvest time is near at hand the men repair the old granaries
or build new and then, when all is ready for the crop, an old man or
woman goes alone, in the middle of the night, to the fields and there
cuts a few stalks of the rice. Should this be neglected the crop is sure
to be small and will vanish quickly. This grain is not used as an
offering, nor are any gifts made to the spirits until the crop has been
harvested and the people are ready to eat of the new rice. At that time
a little of the recently harvested grain is placed on a dish, together
with other food and betel-nut, and is carried to the granary, where it
is presented to the spirit "in order that the granary may always be
full." When the grain is needed for use it is removed from the straw by
pounding it with wooden pestles, it is then placed in a wooden mortar
and is again pounded until the husks are loosened. This accomplished,
the grain is freed from chaff by tossing it in a winnower. If a greater
amount has been cleared than is needed it is stored in gourds or
water-proof baskets (Fig. 50). A month or two after the harvest a great
celebration is held, the principal features of which are a feast and
dance but no offerings are then made to the spirits.

FIG. 50. GOURD RICE HOLDER.

The small crop of sugar-cane is made into an alcoholic drink, which is
sometimes indulged in at meal time but is generally reserved for festive
occasions. The juice is boiled with a plant called _palba_, similar to
ginger, and is stored away in bamboo tubes until it has reached a
suitable stage of fermentation. Another drink is made by boiling
strained honey with the _palba_ and allowing it to ferment.

HUNTING AND FISHING

A considerable portion of the food supply is secured by hunting and
fishing. Small birds are captured by placing a sticky substance on bare
limbs of fruit-bearing trees, or by fastening gummed sticks in places
frequented by birds. When a victim alights on this it is held securely
until captured by the hunter. Fig. 51 shows another method of securing
such small game. A cord with a noose at one end is attached to a bent
limb. In the center of this cord is tied a short stick which acts as a
trigger. This trigger is placed with the top end pressing against an
arched twig _a_, while the other end draws _b_ against the sides of the
arch. Other sticks rest on _b_ and on them is a covering of leaves on
which is placed bait and the open noose. The weight of a bird or small
animal on the cross-piece is sufficient to release the trigger and then
the bent limb draws the noose taut.

FIG. 51. BIRD SNARE.

The series of slip nooses attached to a central cord which surrounds a
tame decoy is also found in use here, and boys frequently secure birds
by means of blow-guns. The latter do not differ from those already
described on p. 73, but with this tribe they are regarded only as a
boy's plaything.

Deer and pig are sometimes hunted by large parties with the aid of dogs.
In such cases an attempt is made to drive the animals past concealed
hunters, or to dispatch them with spears when brought to bay by the
dogs. The more successful method, however, is by means of traps several
types of which were seen by the writer. The first and most common is a
dead fall consisting of a heavy log so arranged in the runway of the
game that a passing animal will cause it to fall. Next in favor with the
hunters is the _bayatik_. One end of a sapling is tied horizontally to a
tree and is then bent back like a spring. It is held in place by means
of a trigger which is released when an animal disturbs a vine stretched
across the runway. Against the free end of the spring a long bamboo
spear or arrow is placed in such a manner that it is thrown with great
force against the animal which has released the trigger. This trap is
frequently used in warfare to protect the retreat of a war party, or to
surprise an enemy.

Sharpened bamboo sticks, two or three feet long, planted at points where
animals are accustomed to jump or run down steep inclines, are
wonderfully efficient in securing game. Sticks and leaves cover pits in
which sharpened poles are planted and into these unsuspecting animals or
members of a hostile party often fall. All these last named devices are
exceedingly dangerous and it is unadvisable for a traveler in the jungle
to try to penetrate a strange region unless accompanied by a native who
knows the position of the traps and pits.

Fish are secured by means of bamboo traps through which a part of the
water of a stream is diverted. These traps do not differ in any respect
from those shown in Fig. 19. Along the coast metal fishhooks and dip and
throw nets are in common use, but these are at present largely obtained
from the Moro. The easiest and hence the most popular method of securing
fish is to mash together the poisonous roots of the _tobli_ tree and the
fruit of the _oliskEb_. The pulp is then sunk into still pools of water
and in a short time, the stupified[sic] fish begin to float to the
surface, where they are quickly seized by the fishermen.

WARFARE

Mention has already been made of the use of pits and traps in warfare.
In addition to these it is customary for a returning war party to
conceal in the trail many _sao~nag_, small stiletto-shaped bamboo sticks,
which pierce the feet of those in pursuit. A night camp is effectively
protected in the same manner against barefooted enemies.

The arms used are spears, fighting knives with wide bellied blades,
daggers, narrow shields with which weapons are defected (Fig. 52), and
in some sections bows and arrows. The fighting knives and daggers
(Plates LXXV-LXXVI) deserve more than casual notice. The heavy bellied
blades of the knives are highly tempered, and not infrequently are bored
through and inlaid with silver, in which instances they are known as
_binuta_,--blind (Plate LXXVa). The sheaths, with their sharply upturned
ends, are made of light wood on which are carved decorations, attached
or inlaid bands of silver, or stained designs. The handles of the
weapons are also decorated with incised silver bands.

FIG. 52. WOODEN SHIELDS.

Much as the fighting knives are prized, the dagger, _bayadau_ or
_badau_, is in even greater favor. It is worn on the front left-hand
part of the body in ready reach of the right hand, and is never removed
unless the owner is in the company of trusted relatives. A light thread,
easily broken, holds the dagger in its sheath and the slightest
disturbance is enough to cause the owner to draw his weapon.

The older warriors claim that it formerly was their custom to protect
themselves with strips of hemp cloth, _limbotung_, which they wound many
times around their bodies in order to ward off knife thrusts, but this
method of protection seems to have fallen into disuse.[133]

[133] This type of protective armor is still used by the Bukidnon of
Central Mindanao.

Individual warriors lie in ambush for their foes, but when a great raid
is planned the party is under the command of a _bagani_. These attacks
are arranged to take place during the full moon and the warriors usually
assault a settlement which they think can be taken by surprise, and
hence unprepared. It is very seldom that these people fight in the open,
and invaders do not attempt a combat unless they feel sure of the
outcome. If they find a house well protected they may attempt to fire it
by attaching a torch to an arrow and shooting it into the grass roof,
the occupants being slaughtered as they rush out. If one of the enemy
puts up an especially good fight his body is opened and the warriors eat
a portion of his heart and liver, thinking thus to gain in valor.

Mr. Maxey mentions the use of poisoned weapons in the neighborhood of
Cateel, but the Mandaya of the south seem to be entirely ignorant of
this custom, Maxey's account of the preparation of the poison is as
follows:

"The poison is, according to the writer's informant, prepared as
follows: A long bamboo is cut and carried to a tree called
_camandag_.[134] The bamboo must be long enough to reach to the limit of
the shadow cast by the tree to the trunk of the same, as the tree is so
poisonous that it even affects those who stand beneath it. The bamboo
has a sharp point which is stuck into the tree and receives the milk
which exudes from the cut. After several days the bamboo is removed and
the contents emptied into another bamboo which serves for a sheath or
quiver for the arrows, these being placed in it point down. The
slightest scratch will cause death. A peculiar thing about the tree from
which the poison is extracted, is that the person extracting must not
only not get under the tree, but must approach it from the windward, as
the effects of even the odor are unpleasant and dangerous."

[134] _Croton tiglium L_.

INDUSTRIES

In the description of the tribe up to this point we have touched upon
those pursuits which engross the greater part of the time. In addition
to these, it falls to the lot of the women to manufacture and decorate
all the clothing worn by members of the tribe. Some cotton is grown and
is used in the manufacture of jackets, but the bulk of the garments are
of hemp. In the description of the Decorative Art we shall deal with the
decoration of the hemp cloth skirts worn by the women. Here it is only
necessary for us to observe that this cloth is produced and colored by
exactly the same process as is employed by the Bagobo women.[135]

[135] See p. 79.

A very little brass casting is done by the Mandaya of one district, but
it is evidently a crude copy of Moro work. By far the greater part of
the brass betel boxes, and ornaments of that metal, as well as spear
heads, are purchased from the coast Mohammedans.

Iron working is an ancient art with this people and the beauty and
temper of their knives and daggers is not excelled by the output of any
other Philippine tribe. In the manufacture of these weapons they employ
the same methods as their neighbors to the south and west.

No wild tribe in the archipelago has made so much use of silver in the
production of ornaments as has the Mandaya. Thin silver plates are
rolled into small tubes and are attached to the woman's ear plugs (Fig.
49), finger rings of the same metal are produced in great numbers, but
the finest work appears in the large silver ornaments worn on the
breasts by both sexes (Fig. 53). Silver coins are beaten into thin
disks, in the center of which a hole is cut. About this opening appear
beautiful intricate designs, some engraved, others stamped with metal
dies.

FIG. 53. SILVER BREAST ORNAMENTS.

All work in metal is limited to a few skilled men, but many lesser
industries, such as shaping tortoise shell rings and shell bracelets,
carving of spoons, and making baskets, are carried on by other members
of the tribe during their leisure hours.

BIRTH

In each district there are one or two mid wives, known as _managamon_.
They are women past middle life who are versed in the medicines and
rites which should be employed at the time of birth. They are not
considered as _ballyan_, yet they talk to the spirits upon certain
occasions.

When a pregnant woman is about to be delivered the midwife crushes the
bark of the _dap-dap_ tree and makes a medicine called _tagaumo_, which
she gives to the patient. It is claimed that this causes the muscles to
relax so that they allow an easy delivery. The umbilical cord is cut
with a bamboo knife and as soon as the child has been bathed it is given
to the mother. The afterbirth is placed in a specially prepared basket
and is either hung against the side of the house or in a nearby tree.
For a few days the midwife assists about the house and then, if all is
well with the child, she takes her payment of rice, chicken, and fish,
and returns to her home. Should the child be ailing she will return, and
having placed rice and betel-nut on banana leaves she carries these to
the top of the house and there offers them to the _asuang_,[136]
meanwhile asking those spirits to accept the offering and to cease
troubling the child. No ceremony takes place at the time of naming or at
the age of puberty, but at the latter period the teeth are filed and
blackened so that the young person may be more beautiful and, therefore,
able to contract a suitable marriage.

[136] See p. 176. [Transcriber's note: This is page 192.]

MARRIAGE

Frequently parents arrange matches for their children while they are
still very young, but in the majority of cases the matter is left until
after the age of puberty when the wishes of the young people are taken
into consideration. The youth or his father having chosen a suitable
girl takes or sends a spear, knife, or other acceptable present to her
father. If this offering is accepted it indicates approval of the match,
and soon thereafter a feast is prepared to which friends of both
families are invited. At this feast the price to be paid for the girl
and the time of marriage are agreed upon, and at least partial payment
is made. As is the case with the neighboring tribes, a part of the value
of this gift is returned. Following the agreement the boy enters the
service of his fiancee's father and for a year or more lives as a member
of the family. Even after the marriage a considerable amount of service
is expected from him at the time of planting, harvesting, or building.

The marriage ceremony proper follows a feast, and consists of the young
couple feeding each other with rice and drinking from a common cup.

Should anything occur to prevent the marriage, after the payment for the
girl has been made, the gifts must be returned or service equal to their
value must be rendered.

Unfaithfulness on the part of the woman seems to be the one cause for a
separation and this is uncommon, for unless her admirer purchases her
for a sum equal to the amount her husband spent in obtaining her, the
divorced woman remains as a slave in the home of her former husband.

Polygamy is permitted and is quite common, but a man may not take a
second wife until a child has been born to the first. In addition to his
wives a man may have as many concubines as he can afford to purchase.

It is said to be a grave offense for a man to embrace a married woman,
or even to touch the breasts, elbows, or heels of any woman he does not
intend to marry. An unmarried woman who permits such familiarities is
considered as good as married. Despite this assertion, the writer knows
of several cases where young people openly lived together without being
considered married, and later the parents arranged marriages between
these girls and other suitors.

According to several informants, incest is punished by the sacrifice of
the guilty parties. They are tied to a tree with their hands drawn
backward around the trunks and are then speared to death. This seems to
be the one and only occasion when human sacrifice is practiced by
members of this tribe.

SICKNESS AND DEATH.

When a person is seriously ill a _ballyan_ is summoned and she, after
securing prepared rice, betel-nuts, and a live chicken, enters into
communication with the spirits. First she converses with the dead father
or other deceased relative of the sick person and requests his aid in
effecting a cure, next she presents food to Diwata and implores his aid,
and finally calls upon the _asuang_ to whom she offers the live fowl on
the condition that they will cease trying to injure the patient. Having
thus done all in her power to influence the spirits she may administer
some simple remedy, after which she begins to dance contra-clockwise,
around a bamboo pole on which leaves and betel-nut have been hung.[137]

[137] This ceremony usually takes place in the house, but if the man was
taken ill in the forest or in his field it may be conducted there.

If this treatment proves to be of no avail and the patient dies his body
is placed in the center of the house and for two days and nights is
guarded by relatives and friends. During the time that the body remains
in the dwelling the family is required to fast and all the people of the
settlement are prohibited from playing on agongs, from singing or
indulging in other signs of merriment. Finally, the body is wrapped in a
mat and is buried in the forest.[138]

[138] Maxey gives the following account of burial near Cateel: "The dead
person is dressed in his best clothes, wrapped in a piece of _abaca_
cloth, and placed in a coffin of bamboo poles, or one hewn from a solid
log, if the person was one of means, and buried. If of the poorer class
he is merely wrapped in a piece of matting-, and either buried or
covered over with stones, sticks, and the like. If of high rank, the
body is not buried, but after preparation is taken into the forest and
placed in a small hut under a _balete_ tree. Food, spears, bolos, hats,
shields, and some articles of furniture are placed on the graves to
placate the spirits who might otherwise bring harm to the surviving
members of the clan or family. There is no fixed period of mourning, but
the members of the family must wear black for some time after the death.
The sick are never abandoned prior to death, but slaves nearing death
are sometimes killed to stop their sufferings. The owner, however, must
first consult with others of the clan."

Returning from the burial all the people partake of a feast and then set
fire to the dwelling "because we do not like the _asuang_ which killed
the man in that house." During the ensuing nine days the spouse of the
dead dresses in black and for a month following, or until they can
purchase a slave, the whole family is barred from merry-making. Two
reasons for the purchase of this slave were advanced by members of the
tribe. One was that the family could be happy if they were still rich
enough to purchase a slave. The second, that they thus replaced the dead
man with another, "for the slaves are like members of our own family."

DECORATIVE ART.

The decorative art of the Mandaya is similar in many respects to that of
the Bagobo and Bila-an, yet in part it differs greatly from both. As is
true with the other tribes, the weavers make use of many figures which
they do not associate with any living forms, but which, nevertheless,
strongly suggest that they may have been derived from realistic designs.
In addition to such patterns they frequently employ figures which are
intentional copies of human or animal forms. Of these the most common
are those representing a man and a crocodile; these sometimes appear
together, sometimes alone. The requirements of the space to be filled,
as well as readiness of the worker to alter any part in order to give a
more pleasing effect to the design have resulted in many distorted and
conventionalized figures which can only be explained by the artist. The
accompanying drawings are taken from articles collected by the writer
and now in the Field Museum of Natural History.

Patterns _A_ to _H_ in Fig. 54 appear in hemp cloth skirts. These show
the steps in the conventionalization of the human figure,[139] as
explained by the weavers. In the first four the forms are so realistic
that they need no explanation, but _E_ is more complicated. Here two
greatly conventionalized figures have been used, one erect, the other
with head down. The size of the head has been increased while the body
is represented by a small diamond-shaped pattern with outstretched arms
attached. The legs and feet of both figures help to form a pattern
similar to a head, except that it lacks the "hair" shown in the end
designs. _F_ resembles the preceding quite closely. In it the central
head-like pattern does not appear and the legs and feet of one figure
help to form the head of the other. This design has been doubled, thus
necessitating some alteration of the figures at the points of union. In
_G_ and _H_ nearly all the realistic elements have vanished, yet certain
resemblance to _D_ and _E_ can be discerned.

[139] One weaver insisted that this figure represents a frog, because of
its webbed feet, but none of the others agreed with her.

FIG. 54A TO H. DESIGNS REPRESENTING THE HUMAN FORM.

We have already learned that the crocodile is held in great regard and
in some sections there is evidence of its more or less sacred character.
Its importance in the minds of the people is well shown by the frequency
with which it appears in their decorative designs. Fig. 55_A_ shows one
of these animals which has just eaten a man. Both figures are so
realistic that the intention of the weaver is apparent. In _B_, _D_,
_E_, and _F_, the animal is still realistic, but the man disappears, and
in his place is a formless object or straight lines which are identified
as "something eaten."

FIG. 55A TO H. CROCODILE DESIGNS.

The pattern _G_ is given as the next step in the conventionalization.
Here the legs, feet, and "something eaten" have assumed undue
proportions, while nearly every trace of likeness has vanished. This
figure is multiplied five times to obtain the highly conventionalized
form shown in _H_.

By referring to _G_ it is possible to see how the complicated designs in
_I_ and _J_ have been derived, although they bear little resemblance to
the original crocodile form.

Fig. 56 was identified as a crocodile but was not regarded as a step in
the conventionalization shown. Many other figures such as 57 appear so
closely related to the designs just described that it seems certain they
must have had a common origin, yet this was denied by all the weavers,
who insisted that such decorations were added only to make the garments
pretty.

FIG. 56. CROCODILE DESIGN.

FIG. 57. DESIGN USED IN WEAVING.

Going from weaving to designs cut in wood, something of the same state
of affairs is encountered. Pattern _a_ on the bamboo comb (Fig. 48) is
identified as the crocodile, yet the very similar figures shown on a
bamboo lime holder (Fig. 58) and on a wooden clothes-hanger (Fig. 59)
are not so recognized.

FIG. 58. INCISED DESIGNS ON A BAMBOO LIME HOLDER.

FIG. 59. CLOTHES HANGER.

Figs. 60 and 61 show characteristic designs which are embroidered on
jackets or carrying bags. All these are added with the one idea of
beautifying the garment, without any thought of copying some living
form. This is true also of the incised zigzag lines, scrolls, and
meander patterns seen on the silver breast disks (Fig. 53), and those
stained on palm bark hats (Fig. 47).

FIGS. 60 AND 61. EMBROIDERED DESIGNS ON JACKTES[sic] AND CARRYING BAGS.

Tobacco pouches (Fig. 62) are often completely covered with bright
colored geometrical designs embroidered in trade yarn. This work, which
is quite unlike the other decoration used by this people, was probably
introduced along with trade yarn and analine[sic] dyes.

FIG. 62. TOBACCO POUCHES.



CONCLUSION

From the material now at our disposal certain general conclusions can be
drawn.

A comparison of the physical measurements indicates that no group is of
pure race. There are significant variations between members of different
tribes, but these occur also between individuals of the same village.
The average person in each group is short-headed, yet long-headed
individuals are found in every tribe and variations just as great as
this appear in the other measurements and observations.

We have previously noted the evidences of an aboriginal pygmy
population, that has been partially absorbed by intermarriage with the
later comers.[140] In all the groups, except the Bila-an, the percentage
of individuals showing evidences of Negrito blood increases as we go
from the coasts toward the interior, until in such divisions as the Obo
and Tigdapaya of the Bagobo, and the Tugauanum of the Ata, practically
all the people show traces of this admixture.

[140] Negrito are reported from the Samal Islands in the Gulf of Davao.

In addition to the types already described there are found in each tribe
individuals who in all but color might readily pass as white men. These
persons freely intermarry with the rest of the population, and it is no
uncommon thing to find in one family children of this sort as well as
those showing Negrito characteristics or those conforming to the average
type.[141]

[141] This will be discussed in a forthcoming publication on Physical
Types. That paper will present a full series of measurements accompanied
by photographs, including the Bukidnon of North Central Mindanao in
which tribe this type is more frequently seen than in Davao District.

The facts indicate that the tribes now found in Davao District did not
reach the coasts of Mindanao at the same time, but rather that they
represent several periods of migration, of which the Kulaman is the
last. This tribe, which only a few generations ago seems to have been
made up of seafarers, has not yet entirely adapted itself to a settled
existence and it is only within the lifetime of the present generation
that its members have taken seriously to agriculture.

It appears that the Bila-an once inhabited the district about Lake
Buluan, but the pressure of the Moro has forced most of them from that
region toward the mountains to the south and east. They have taken
possession of both sides of this mountain range, except for the lower
eastern slopes where they have encountered the Tagakaolo.

The other tribes probably landed on the southern or southeastern coast
of the Island, from whence they have gradually moved to their present
habitats.

Intermarriage between the tribes, Moro raids, warfare with the
accompanying capture of slaves, and the possible influence of boat-loads
of castaways, all have to be considered in dealing with the types found
in Davao District. We have already seen that the physical measurements
indicate a complex racial history.

After giving full credit to all these influences, however, it does not
appear to the writer that such radical differences exist between the
tribes as will justify us in assigning to them different ancestry or
places of origin. The summarized description of the Bagobo given on page
56 would, with only, slight modification, apply to all the other tribes,
with the exception of certain groups of the Ata in which the Negrito
element is very pronounced. In brief, the various influences that have
been at work on one group have influenced all the others, since their
arrival on the island of Mindanao.

This conclusion is further justified by the language in which a large
per cent of the words in daily use are common to all the groups. Even
the Bila-an dialect, which differs more from all the others than do any
of those from one another, has so many words in common with the coast
tongues and is so similar in structure that one of my native boys, who
never before had seen a Bila-an, was able freely to carry on a
conversation within a few days after his arrival in one of their most
isolated settlements.

Similar as are the people and their dialects, the cultural agreements
are even more noticeable. Taking the Bagobo as a starting point, we find
a highly developed culture which, with a few minor changes, holds good
for the tribes immediately surrounding. These in turn differ little from
their neighbors, although from time to time some new forms appear. The
Cibolan type of dwelling, with its raised platform at one end and
box-like enclosures along the side walls, is met with until the Mandaya
territory is approached, while, with little variation, the house
furnishings and utensils in daily use are the same throughout the
District. The same complicated method of overtying, dyeing, and weaving
of hemp employed in the manufacture of women's skirts is in use from
Cateel in the north to Sarangani Bay in the south, while in the
manufacture of weapons the iron worker in Cibolan differs not at all
from his fellow-craftsman among the Mandaya. Here we are confronted by
the objection that, so far as is known, no iron work is done by the
Bila-an and Ata, but this is a condition which is encountered throughout
the archipelago. In the interior of Luzon are found isolated villages,
the inhabitants of which are expert workers in iron and steel, while
their neighbors seem to be ignorant of the process.[142] The writer
holds to the opinion that iron working is an ancient art throughout the
Philippine archipelago and that its use for various reasons, such as
lack of material, has died out in certain sections. Brass workers are
found among most of the tribes, but, as was observed earlier in this
paper, there is sufficient evidence that the industry is of recent
introduction, and the amount and excellence of the work done by the
brass casters is governed by the nearness or remoteness of Moro
settlements.

[142] The process used in Northern Luzon is very similar to that
employed in Southern Mindanao.

Except for the cotton garments recently adopted by the Kagan branch of
the Tagakaolo, and the suits worn by the Mandaya men, the clothing seen
throughout the District is very similar. A few ornaments, such as the
silver rings and breast disks of the Mandaya, have only a limited
distribution, but for the most part the decorations worn by the
different tribes differ only in the number of beads, bells, and shell
disks used in their manufacture.

In the ornamentation of their garments certain groups have specialized
until the bead work of the Bagobo excels all such work found in the
Philippines. The same can be said of the intricate and beautifully
embroidered designs seen in the garments of the Bila-an or the oversewed
fabrics of the Kulaman, while the crudely embroidered patterns of the
Mandaya are wonderfully effective. Yet, despite apparent
dissimilarities, there is such a likeness in many forms of
ornamentation, as well as in the technique of the methods of production,
that there seems to be ample proof of free borrowing, or of a common
origin.

On the non-material side the similarities between the groups are even
more marked. In each tribe the warriors gain distinction among their
fellows, the protection of certain spirits, and the privilege of wearing
red garments, by killing a certain number of persons. Except among the
Kulaman, mediums much like the _mabalian_ of the Bagobo make known the
wishes of the superior beings and direct the ceremonies. The people are
instructed when to plant by the spirits who place certain constellations
in the skies. These are the same for all the groups, although often
known by different names. The _limokon_ warns or encourages the
traveler, while certain acts of the individual, such as sneezing, are
looked upon as warnings from unseen beings. Many of these beings having
like attributes, although often bearing different names, are known to
each group. The idea of one or more spirits dwelling in different parts
of a man's body is widespread, while the belief that the right side of
the body is under the care of good influences and the left subject to
the bad, is well nigh universal in the District.

In conclusion note should be made of oft repeated assertions to the
effect that a part of the people of Davao District are white, and that
they are also cannibals and headhunters. The first can be dismissed with
the statement that so far as the writer has been able to observe or to
learn from trustworthy sources, there is no justification for such a
story. It can be just as positively stated that neither the Mandaya nor
any other tribe here described practice cannabalism[sic]. Warriors do
eat a part of the livers and hearts of men who have shown great valor,
the eaters thus securing some of the good qualities of the victims. The
Kulaman warriors always taste of the liver of the slain "in order to
become like Mandalangan," but they expressed the greatest disgust when
it was suggested that the balance of the body might make good food.

While it is true that the Kulaman take the heads, and some times the
arms,[143] of slain foes, and that the same custom is some times
followed by individual warriors of the other tribes, head-hunting for
the sake of the trophy is not practiced here, as is the case in Northern
Luzon. The skull or other portions of the body are kept only long enough
to prove the murder, or until they can be mutilated by the women and
children, "who thus become brave."

[143] This is also the custom of the Bukidnon.



***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WILD TRIBES OF DAVAO DISTRICT,
MINDANAO***


******* This file should be named 18273.txt or 18273.zip *******


This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/8/2/7/18273



Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
will be renamed.

Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
redistribution.



*** START: FULL LICENSE ***

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
http://www.gutenberg.org/license).


Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic works

1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.  See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
States.

1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org

1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
1.E.9.

1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.

1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg-tm License.

1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
that

- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."

- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
     License.  You must require such a user to return or
     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
     Project Gutenberg-tm works.

- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
     of receipt of the work.

- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.

1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
your equipment.

1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER
WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.


Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm

Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
and the Foundation web page at http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf.


Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.

The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
page at http://www.gutenberg.org/about/contact

For additional contact information:
     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
     Chief Executive and Director
     gbnewby@pglaf.org

Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
particular state visit http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
To donate, please visit:
http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate


Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
works.

Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.

Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:

     http://www.gutenberg.org

This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.